[PDF] Explanation to Political Obligation of a Citizen

After reading this article you will learn about:- 1. Political Obligation and the Idea of Justice 2. Political Obligation and the ‘General Will’ 3. Political Obligation and the Democratic System.

Political Obligation and the Idea of Justice:

Is it a final solution of the problem of political obligation to argue that we are bound by our own contractual act in forming and continuing to accept the constitution of our State? That argument certainly provides us with a legal bond in virtue of which we are tied to performance by a necessity: not the necessity of enforced law, which is what holds us to our civil obligation, but the necessity of the constitution, which is what holds us to our political obligation.

But the question may be raised, Why is the constitution itself necessary, or in what sense is it a necessity which we are bound to accept? We may reply to that question by saying, or repeating, that the constitution, after all, is our act (though the communist or the revolutionary might rejoin that it was not his), and that our acts, when they are once established as objective facts in the external environment of our lives—when once they have gone out of us as promises made to others, on which others rely and on the performance of which they count—oblige us necessarily as things now beyond recall.

Fides est servanda. But our minds crave something more even than the sanctity of promise and pledge. We want to know not only that we are now bound and tied, but also that we ought to be: we want to know not only that there has been an act of our own, but also that the act has value, or is directed towards a value, so that we are bound not only by the act as an act, but also by something valuable in it or above it.

We are thus led to ask ourselves where, and in what, we can find the final and ultimate ground of political obligation. The answer to that question is suggested by the argument of the previous Book.

The ultimate reason why we are obliged is not that the State is our act and deed: it is because the State represents and realizes, and in so far as it represents and realizes, that system of political values, and that general idea of justice controlling and coordinating the system, which finally claim our obedience. If the State does this, and to the extent that it does this, our obligation is perfect.

It is not, therefore, the fact that the State has a basis of con­tract which finally commands our allegiance. It is the fact that the State is the expression and organ of justice. We are obliged to the governing authority of the State, and we obey and per­form its commands, because the State as a whole is, on the whole, such an expression and organ.

If the State fails to be that, or in so far as it fails to be that, we are left with an obliga­tion which hangs, as it were, in the air, and has no final support. Then there arises the problem, ‘Which is the true obligation: our obligation to the State, or our obligation to justice?’ It is the problem which confronts the communist in a non-communist State: it is equally the problem which confronts the liberal and the democrat in a State which is neither liberal nor democratic – it is, in a word, the problem whether the major obligation is simply to the State-expression of justice, or to a demand of justice which the State either fails to express or falls short of expressing fully.

To that problem we shall return at the end of the argument of this Book. Meanwhile we are left with the proposition that the State as a whole is, on the whole, the expression and organ of justice, and that this is the final source of political obligation. The proposition involves both a positive and a negative im­plication.

Neither of these implications will justify any and every act of the governing authority of the State: both of them justify only the action of the State in general (or in other words the State as a whole), and that only in respect of the general trend of such action.

The positive implication is that when the State is declaratory—when it declares, in the form of law, the body of deductions which flow from the idea of a right order of human relations, as that idea now stands at this given stage of common conviction—we are actively obliged to accept and to carry into effect the law so declared, because it is ultimately a declaration of the dictates of an order which we ourselves acknowledge to be obligatory.

In fulfilling the law which the State declares, we obey, and we are obliged to obey, our own idea of what a right order of human relations should be. The negative implication is that when the State is compulsory—when it compels us by the use of force to recognize in a particular case, and that our own case, the general rule which we recog­nize as binding for all cases—we are passively obliged to accept and Suffer the compulsion so applied, because, once more, it is ultimately the compulsion of an order which we ourselves acknowledge and acknowledge to be obligatory.

In under­going compulsion we are being made to obey, not the State as a will or a power impinging on our own will or power, but the something behind the State which is not a will or a power, but a system of right order which we believe to be right as a system, even though we may have infringed it at a particular point.

Political Obligation and the ‘General Will’:

Two lines of thought have been followed in the argument hitherto advanced. Along the first line an attempt has been made to explain political obligation in terms of contract, and as the result of the political contract embodied in the constitu­tion. Along the second the attempt has been made to explain it in terms of justice, and as being a logical consequence of the idea of a right order of relations which is at once demanded and supplied by our own reason and thought.

We have now to draw the two lines together and to combine the two explanations. If they are left unconnected, difficulties ensue: explanation ceases to be valid, and obligation does not oblige. If obligation be regarded as simply a matter of contract, we are faced by the possibility of two opposite consequences, both of them disastrous, if dia­metrically different.

On the one hand some of the parties to the contract may stickle and cavil about the State’s action, and arguing, ‘This was not in the bond’, they may refuse accordingly to be obliged.

On the other hand, the contractual association, acting as a whole, or at any rate by a majority decision, may hold that its own will and deed is final, whatever that will and deed may be, provided only that the form of the constitution is duly observed: indeed, since an act of the association, or that of a defined and prescribed majority within it, can alter the form of the constitution, the will and deed of the association may even be held to be unconditionally final, without proviso or qualification.

In that case the members of the association will be obliged by the necessity of obeying mere will, as such and apart from its content. These are the difficulties which ensue from a simple reliance on the notion of contract. But there are also difficulties which ensue from a simple reliance on the notion of justice.

If obligation be regarded as simply a matter of justice and of obedience to the dictates of justice, then it will follow that a governing authority which wills and enforces those dic­tates will necessarily oblige us, even if it is a pure autocracy, in no way based on consent, and therefore destitute of any contractual element.

This may seem an abstraction, or even a fantasy. In effect it is a fantasy; for if justice is a common conviction, then it and autocracy can never be yoke-fellows.

But it is a fantasy which haunted the benevolent despots of the eighteenth c
en­tury, and has haunted in our time the leaders and dictators of the twentieth century. Nor has it haunted them only. It has also been accepted by many thinkers, who have believed that the cause of impartial justice is best served by the mind of the ‘one best man’ who is lifted above all passion.

The problem before us is that of reconciling the principle of a common will, expressed in the notion of contract, with the principle of a common rule, expressed in the notion of justice. In other words we have to combine democratic might with sovereign right: to unite the volume and dynamic power of a common will with the stability and control of a common rule of reason.

It is an easy escape from this problem, illustrated in the writings of Rousseau, to proclaim the sovereign right of democratic might. But it is an escape, arid not a solution: not a reconciliation of both of the terms, but an elimination of one at the expense of the other; not the joint dominion of a common will and a common rule, but the single dominion of a will which, because it is merely will, is ultimately nothing but might.

Is it also an escape, or is it a solution, if we start at the other end: if instead of attaching sovereign right to democratic might, we seek to attach democratic might to sovereign right? Does that too eliminate one of the terms at the expense of the other, or does it succeed in reconciling both? At any rate there is a case for inquiry.

We may therefore inquire where the argument leads if instead of beginning—and ending—in will, we begin with the ‘rule of right’ or common rule of reason. On this basis we take our start from the idea of a right order of relations postulated and given by reason and therefore prior to will; and we seek to discover how this sovereign right proceeding from reason can acquire democratic might, by becoming the com­mon conviction of the whole of a community, and by inspiring and enlisting in support of itself the common will of the members of that community.

The inquiry involves three stages. In the first of these stages we are confronted by the idea of a sovereign right, as the ulti­mate source of obligation—the idea of justice the ordered, ‘join­ing’ and ‘fitting together’ both the positions of persons and the principles on which those positions are assigned, and thus producing what we have called a right order of human relations.

This was the fundamental meaning of the theory of Natural Law, as that idea was expressed by the Stoics and the Roman law­yers in antiquity, by the Fathers and the schoolmen of early and medieval Christianity, and by thinkers of the secular school of Natural Law in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. But there was an imperfection and an abstraction in the theory of Natural Law, particularly in the last of its phases.

We cannot assume, as the thinkers of the seventeenth and eighteenth cen­turies did, that there are truths of a ‘natural’, or ideally rational, justice to be discovered and deduced by the reason of the soli­tary jurist, as there are truths of geometry to be discovered and deduced by the reason of the solitary geometrician.

Still less can we assume that, even if they could be discovered and deduced by such a process, they would remain thenceforth unchangeably true. There are differences between geometry and justice. For one thing, geometry is concerned with impersonal space, which does not think; justice is a matter of a personal system of human relations, and therefore of living persons who themselves think about those relations, whose thought constitutes that system, and who, in a word, think justice into existence.

It is not the solitary jurist who discovers the truths of justice: it is the whole body of persons who stand in relation with one another and think out together the problems of the right order of their rela­tions.

For another thing, geometry is concerned with a space which is constant and invariable, and it remains accordingly constant itself; justice is a matter of human relations which change and grow in the process of time with changes of social thought, and it adjusts itself and changes accordingly. There is, indeed, a constancy of justice; but justice has also life and growth, and therefore mutability. It is an ‘ever-fixed mark’; but it is also an ever-flowing stream.

This brings us to the next and second stage of our inquiry. If justice, as a matter of human relations, involves a society of per­sons thinking about their relations and thinking into existence a right order of those relations; if again, as such a matter, it also involves the possibility of a change of relations, and therefore of thought about relations, and therefore of the scheme of right order created for them by thought; it follows that we can add to the idea of sovereign right, which confronted us in the first stage, the idea of creative general thought, busy in a constant process of disengaging this sovereign right from the multitude of relations and the constant flux of their change.

Justice is made by the general thought of all the members of a community en­gaged in relations with one another; or, more exactly, it is always in process of being made by that general thought, and it is therefore always in a state of ‘becoming’ or development. The general thought of the community is the maker of sovereign right, and it is always making it afresh.

We can see an example of its making and remaking if we take the instance of marriage, or the relation of husband and wife. Thought has created and sustains the idea that permanent monogamy is-the justice or right order of that relation. It has been a long work: it is a work which is still being changed and modified.

Greater equality has been introduced into the relation by the reduction of the power of the husband: greater liberty is being sought (some­times with too little regard to the principle of co-operation, in the rearing and training of children, which is also a principle of marriage) by the extension of facilities for divorce in the event of grave disagreement.

At point after point, and in stage after stage, the general thought of the community, which originally applied the idea of justice to the relation of the sexes, is con­stantly applying it afresh, and therefore constantly changing the general opinion about the right order of that relation and, with it, the law which reflects and declares that opinion.

The third and last stage of our inquiry confronts us with the question, ‘What is the product that issues from this general thought of the community, and what is the form and shape in which it is distilled and expressed?’ Gierke, seeks to express the product in the term ‘common conviction’ (Gesammtiiberzeugung). Rousseau sought to express it in the term ‘general will’ (volonte generate).

Both of these terms are shorthand, and either of them is the half rather than the whole of the matter. Perhaps we shall answer our question best if we put the two terms together, and if, in the course of doing so, we also seek to indicate, more precisely than has yet been done, both the area in which the general thought of the community acts and the time-span of its action.

On that basis we may say that, as the result of a long-time process of thought, moving in the area of Society and being therefore a process of social thought, there emerges a common conviction which is also a general will about a right order of human relations and the obligatory nature of that order.

The long-time character of the process of thought is a fact of primary importance. Burke stated this fact in memorable words, ‘Man is a most unwise, and a most wise being. The individual is foolish. The multitude, for the moment, is foolish, when they act without deliberation.

But the species is wise, and when time is given to it, as a species, it almost always acts right.’ If we substitute ‘Society’ for ‘species’ the statement of Burke is the expression of an indubitable truth. The benefit of time is ne
eded for the production of the common conviction which is also a general will.

It was the error of Rousseau to ascribe to the meet­ing of the multitude for the moment a volonte generate which can only be the fruit of slow time and of something more than the multitude. That something more (and here we come to another fact of primary importance) is Society, national Society, as defined and explained in the beginning of the whole argument; and it is accordingly social thought, in the strict sense of the word, which produces, by its working in time, a common conviction and will.

The area in which the general thought of the community acts is essentially and primarily the area of Society, and not the area of the State. This is not to say that such thought is not operative in the area of the State: it is only to say that it operates there, as it were, at a remove, and by a translation or transference from its original area.

The State, as such, is the area of electoral votes, parliamentary statutes, executive orders and regulations, judi­cial decisions, and all the formal declarations which constitute, in one way or another, the scheme of positive law.

All these declara­tions register social thought. But that thought is prior to the registration; and it acts, in its original motion, elsewhere than in the area of registration.

It acts in and through the social organs which precipitate social thought and conduct with one another the discussion of what they precipitate: it acts in and through the churches, the clubs and societies and parties (not in themselves a part of the State but rather a part of Society, how­ever much they impinge on the State), the professional and occupational groupings, the newspaper and pamphlet and book, and all the other organs for the ventilation and the comparison of different social ideas.

We can thus see social thought in all its forms and with all its organs, which correspond to the multi­plicity of Society, proceeding by the way of discussion, which is its great and sovereign way; and we may even begin to see in advance the emergence of the idea of democracy, which is a system of ‘government by discussion’, and therefore a trans­ference of the method of social thought into the area of the State and government.

Proceeding thus by way of discussion, social thought pro­duces a mental output (and here we come to still another fact of primary importance) which is partly a conviction of the value, and partly a will for the establishment, of a general order of social relations and the general rules of that order.

It would be an error to concentrate attention exclusively on the element of will in this output: it would also be an error, and a still greater error, if, having so concentrated our attention and isolated the element of will, we ascribed that element exclusively to the State. The will is conviction as well as will, and conviction before it is will; and the primary area of its residence is Society, even if its effects are transferred and translated into the State and the State’s legal system.

But the term ‘general will’ has come to be used in political theory as a shorthand term for that common conviction-and- will which, arising in the area of Society, transmits its action and operation into the area of the State. There is some reason for the use of the term; but there are also reasons for using the term with caution, and with reservations and qualifications.

In favour of its use we may argue that a national Society, as such, and as distinct from the State, develops in the course of its common life a growing general conviction about the just and proper order of the relations between its members, and a grow­ing general will for the establishment and maintenance of that order as its own way of life and type of civilization. This has been the line of development of French national society; it has equally been the line of development of British national society.

Upon this basis we may go on to argue that the national State, as the legal incorporation of a national Society, should acknow­ledge this general will at each stage, in the form and expression which it has attained at that stage, as the ultimate standard of its action.

Thus conceived, the general will, as a contemporary thinker has said, is ‘the standard by which political willing should be guided’: in other words it is the ultimate and permanent will (if we can rightly use the word ‘will’) by which the immediate and day-to-day will of the governing authority ought to be de­termined, as it also is the ultimate will (if again we can rightly use that word) by which the will of the citizen ought to be obliged.

But though we may thus speak of the general will as the stan­dard by which political willing should be guided, alike in the governing authority and in the citizen, we must also remember the qualifications to which any use of that term is subject. The first qualification is a matter of the mental character of this will. The will is a conviction as well as a will, and a conviction be­fore it becomes a will.

The essential and primary thing about it, as Gierke has said, is a conviction that something already is, and that a standard exists and is there, rather than a will that something shall be.

From this point of view we may also say, as Rousseau strove to say, that the essence of the general will is not the persons or ‘subjects’ willing, but the things or ‘objects’ of their will: the things or ‘objects’ which are primarily a content of common conviction, and which only become a content of common or general will because they are already a content of common or general conviction.

The second qualification, which ensues upon the first, is a matter of the factor of time. So far as the general will is will, it is not an act of willing at a given moment of time: it is a permanent trend of will, which is growing as well as permanent, and which, we may even say in a paradox, shows its permanence most clearly in its capacity of growth.

The third and last qualification, which ensues in turn on the second, is a matter of the area or residence of this general will, thus operative through time as a permanent and yet growing trend of the mind in the members of a community. The area or place of residence is not the legally organized State. The ‘general will’ is not political willing, and its home is not the political sphere. It belongs to the social area: it is a function of Society.

The qualifications are so numerous that we may well come to the conclusion that the general will is almost of the nature of a will-o’-the-wisp. The truth which that term is designed to express may be stated more simply in other terms.

Instead of committing ourselves to the notion of the primary or supreme sovereignty of the general will, we may prefer to speak of the primacy of a socially created and socially developed concep­tion of justice—that last and most majestic sovereign which stands behind and above the ‘sovereign’ constitution, as that, in its turn, stands behind and above the ‘sovereignty’ of the par­liament of the State. Upon this basis we may proceed to enumerate a series of propositions.

1. The supreme sovereign which stands in the background of any politically organized community is justice: justice in the sense of that right order of human relations which gives to the greatest possible number of persons the greatest possible opportunity for the highest possible development of all the capacities of their personality.

2. Justice is mediated by, or comes through the medium of, a process of social thought, which in the course of its opera­tion produces a body of common conviction about the dictates of justice, backed by a common will or purpose of acting in the strength and under the guidance of that conviction.

3. This product of social thought is mediated in turn by the State, in the sense that it undergoes a process of being de­clared and enforced by a legal association contractually for
med for that object by the creation of a constitution, and acting henceforth in virtue and under the rules of that constitution.

4. The citizen is obliged, at the end of the whole process, to obey the law so declared and enforced by the State, for the immediate reason that the State is based on his own con­tractual act, but for the ultimate reason that the State ex­presses the product of social thought which itself is the expression of justice.

A number of problems are raised by, or involved in, these propositions:

(a) The third of them raises the problem of the proper method of the mediation of social thought by the State; it leads us to inquire whether the democratic form of constitu­tion and the democratic method of government are the most correspondent, in their own nature, to the form and method of social thought, and the most likely, in their results, to trans­late the product of such thought into a clear and effective ex­pression.

(b) The first proposition, and especially its first clause, confronts us once more with the problem of sovereignty: it leads us beyond and involves us in an inquiry into the ultimate nature and final residence of sovereign authority.

(c) The fourth proposition, in its final clause, suggests, or implies, one of the gravest (if not the gravest) of all political problems. Granted that the citizen is obliged to obey the law of the State because the State expresses in its law the product of social thought, which itself is the expression of justice, does it follow that he is obliged to obey when that reason is not present?

If and so far as the State does not express in its law the product of social thought, but expresses something different from, or even con­trary to, that product, does obligation then to that extent cease; is disobedience then justified; and, if it is, may it even be carried to the length of resistance? This is the problem of the limits of political obligation: it is also, at its furthest reach, the problem of the right, or duty, of resistance.

It is a problem as old as the Antigone of Sophocles, and indeed as old as the State itself; but it is always assuming new shapes, and if in the past a Creon or a Caesar was challenged in the name of religious conviction, today democracy itself is challenged in the name of the economic creed of communism.

Political Obligation and the Democratic System:

If the State can be regarded as mediating social thought about justice to its members, and as expressing in its law the product of such thought, we may draw from that premiss the conclusion that the State should itself correspond, in its own nature and operation, to the process of social thought which it mediates, and should thus be a broad open channel for the flow of the product which it expresses.

The process of social thought is a process in which all the members of Society can freely share, and to which they can all contribute freely. It fol­lows that, if there is to be correspondence and a broad open flow, the process of the activity of the State should also be a pro­cess in which all its members can freely share and to which they can all freely contribute.

We may argue that this demand is satisfied, and satisfied only, by the democratic State. Indeed we may argue that it is satisfied doubly by the democratic State; first in the form of its constitution and the way of its coming into being, and next in its method of government and the way of its operation.

In their actual coming into being, States are historical products of very various patterns, due to a variety of historical causes. But the question before us here is not a question of the far-off origins, back in the mists of time, of the States we know today in their changed and developed form as the modern States of our Western world.

It is a question of the basis and raison d’etre of the modern State as we know it now, in the form which it has now assumed in the world in which we now live. What set of ideas, and what motions of the mind, have formed and brought into being the State we now know in the form it now has? it is only necessary to summarize briefly the heads of the answer.

A national Society, in the course of a pro­cess of social thought, creates and sustains an idea and ideal of a right of order relations between its members: an idea and ideal of justice. But it cannot attain its ends, or turn the idea into fact and the ideal into reality, without an organized system for the declaration and enforcement of the dictates of justice.

We must therefore conceive the society as making itself, or ‘constituting’ itself, an organized system for this purpose, or, in other words, as forming itself into a legal association or State, while still con­tinuing to exist and act as a Society, and still continuing, as such, to maintain and develop that process of social thought which is continually fertilizing the idea and ideal of justice.

This act of the ‘constitution’ of a State by the members of a national Society results, and expresses itself, in a ‘constitution’ in another and further sense of the word: the Constitution with a capital C; the articles of association (both written and un­written) which warrant, authorize, and control the actions and the organs of the legal association.

We may say that this Con­stitution, or set of articles of association, is of the nature of a con­tract, which we may call the political contract; and in that sense, we may say that the State has a con­tractual basis. We may also say that the constitution of a State by a national Society and by all the members of that Society, or in other words by the people, is the first stage and the foundation of the democratic method of government.

In it, and by it, the people have given themselves the basis of political action by a first demo­cratic act of creation. Will they not then go on, still following the same path, and give themselves a method of government and a way of permanent operation in which they are equally active?

To find a firm basis for a theory of the democratic method of government in the modern State, we must go back to the pro­cess of social thought from which the State issues and to which it always remains attached. The process of social thought is naturally and necessarily a process of discussion.

Ideas emerge here and there: each emergent idea becomes a magnet which attracts a clustering group of adherents: the various ideas, and the various groups they attract, must either engage in a war of competition with one another to achieve a victory, or attempt a method of composition which fuses and blends them together in peace. The military idea of a war of competition between ideas is prominent in the philosophy of Hegel.

His dialectical idealism (which Marx turned upside down, or as he preferred to say ‘right side up again’, in his dialectical materialism) assumes a war of ideas, in which ‘one shrewd thought devours another’: a battle of thesis and antithesis, in which each side fights for itself. But even Hegel’s military conception of the war of ideas ends in a sort of composition between thesis and antithesis; or, more exactly, it ends by producing the synthesis of a higher truth in which the partial truths of the thesis and the anti­thesis are abolished and transcended.

It has thus, after all, some approach to the principle of discussion; but Hegel’s theory of discussion is rather that of a logical process inside a solitary mind (even if that mind be conceived as the ‘objective’ mind of a whole Society) than that of a social process among and between a number of minds. The theory which is implied in Aristotle’s Politics is much nearer to the idea of such a social process.

Instead of assuming a war of two conflicting ideas, to be ended by a transcendent and triumphant synthesis, he assumes a plurality of social ideas, to be fused and blended to­gether in a ‘scheme of compositi
on’. Just as it takes all sorts of men to make a world, so it takes all sorts of ideas to produce a ‘catholic’ and all-round view.

Aristotle applies this conception to the field of culture and the province of artistic judgement: here, he says, ‘some appreciate one aspect, and some another, but all together appreciate all’. But he also applies it generally to the whole field of social thought; and he applies it, in particular, to matters of political judgement. The Many, he holds, ‘when they meet together’, and put their minds fairly to one another, can achieve a composition of ideas which gives their judgement a general validity.

If we follow the guidance of Aristotle, we shall say that social thought proceeds by the way of a plurality of ideas, by the way of debate and discussion between the different ideas, ‘when they meet together’ and come into contact with one another, and by the way of a composition of ideas attained through such debate and discussion.

We shall also say that this social way must also be, and also is, the political way: in other words it must also be, and also is, the method of the State’s government and the way of the State’s operation.

This is not only because the State should be true to the Society from which it comes, and on which it continues to rest: it is also because the way of Society (the way of plurality of ideas, debate among them, and composition of them) is right in itself and universally right— right for Society, right for the State, and right wherever men are gathered together and have to act together.

The one way to get at practical truth, the right thing to do, the straight line of action, is, in any form of group, the way of thinking things over together and talking them over together, with a view to finding some composition of the different threads of thought. It is the way of the Friends, when they seek what they call ‘the sense of the meeting’.

It is the way of democracy, which is not a solution, but a way of seeking solutions—not a form of State devoted to this or that particular end (whether private enter­prise or public management), but a form of State devoted, whatever its end may be, to a single means and method of determining that end.

The core of democracy is choice, and not something chosen; choice among a number of ideas, and choice, too, of the scheme on which those ideas are eventually composed. Democracy is incompatible with any form of one- idea State, because its essence is hospitality to a plurality of ideas, and because its method (which is also its essence) con­sists in holding together a number of different ideas with a view- to comparison and composition of their difference.

The demo­cratic criticism of the one-idea State is not a criticism of its object (which may also be the object of the democratic State, or at any rate part of its object): it is a criticism of its whole process of life.

This last phrase, ‘process of life’, suggests a further con­sideration which is of vital importance in the theory of demo­cracy. One of the archbishops of Canterbury, Frederic Temple, once said that there were two schools of political thought: one which held that politics existed for the production of a result, or the ergon school; and another which held that politics was valuable in itself as a process of activity, or the energeia school.

The school of production judged politics by the results which it produced: the school of process preferred to judge on a different basis, and it was content, and more than content, if the process of the political life of a community elicited and enlisted for its operation the minds and wills of its members, thus aiding, and indeed in its measure constituting, the development of their capacities as persons.

The distinction here suggested, which goes back to Aristotle, is a just and pregnant distinction. We are naturally apt to think of politics in terms of making, rather than of doing, as if our political activity were directed wholly to achieving an object outside itself (and not immanent in itself), such as a scheme of legal order, or an adjustment of economic relations, or some other similar structure.

But this is not the whole of the matter, or even the greater part. It is certainly true, and that the State as a legal association must necessarily produce a result: it must produce a scheme of declared and enforced law which gives expression to the idea of justice. But there are two other things which must also be borne in mind.

First, the ultimate purpose behind justice, and therefore behind law, is the development of the capacities of human personality in as many persons as possible to the greatest possible extent. That is the final result which the State must produce—or rather help to produce; for the result produces itself in each person through his own internal activity, even if it needs help, in the way of removal of hindrances and the offering of oppor­tunities, in order to produce itself fully. This first reflection naturally leads to the second.

If we hold that behind and beyond the production of law by the State there is a process of personal activity and personal development in its members, we may go on to say that the production should itself be drawn into the process.

In other words we may argue that the productive effort of the State, the effort of declaring and enforcing a system of law, should also be a process in which, and through which, each member of the State is spurred into personal development, be­cause he is drawn into free participation in one of the greatest of all our secular human activities.

These reflections suggest a second main justification of the democratic system. Not only is it justified, by the fact that it makes the State true to the method of general discussion and composition of ideas which is the method of Society; it is also justified, by the fact that it makes the State, in the very process of its own operation, true to the fundamental purpose which lies behind its operation, the purpose of the development in action of the capacities of personality.

This is the justification urged by John Stuart Mill in his Considerations on Representative Government. Arguing, in his second chapter, that ‘government is at once a great influence acting on the human mind [according as it elicits, or fails to elicit, its energy] and a set of organized arrange­ments for public business’ [that is to say, for producing the re­sult of a scheme of legal order], he lays stress on the sovereign importance of the first of these two aspects.

He has a strong sense of the ‘practical discipline which the character obtains’ from the demand made upon the citizen to exercise some func­tion; he has an equally strong sense of the intellectual discipline which is also obtained by the mind, when the citizen is required to rise above private partialities, and to apply principles and maxims which are based on the idea of the common good.

If we accept the democratic system as justified, we must also accept the party-system. Party is a great and necessary factor in any method of general discussion; and that is its permanent justification. A party begins as a set of connected and coherent ideas (an ‘ism’, as when we talk of socialism or liberalism or conservatism), emerging and acting in the area of social dis­cussion.

It becomes, in the process of its development, a body of persons united in entertaining such a set of connected and coherent ideas: a body of persons, forming a social group in the area of Society, who discuss their common ideas among them­selves, formulate them in a policy or programme, and vindicate that programme in discussion against other similar groups in the same social area.

Finally, and in the culmination of its de­velopment, a party becomes an organization, with its own ac­credited leaders, for the purpose of carrying a programme into effect by securing for it a majority of the votes of the political electorate, and by then procee
ding to turn its leaders into the political government. In all these stages, but particularly in the last, party serves as a mediator between social thought and political action; and this is a reason why it is a great and neces­sary factor in the democratic system.

We may accordingly say that a party may be defined as a social formation which:

(1) Serves as a social reservoir for the collection of a set of connected ideas from the area of voluntary society, and also

(2) Serves as a political conduit or channel by which the ideas collected from that area flow from their social reservoir into the system of the State and turn the wheels of political machinery in that system.

So conceived, party performs the service of enabling society to run into the State, and thus of keeping the action of the State constantly and wholesomely responsive to the play of social thought. This is a reason why we may deprecate any legal regu­lation of party, unless such regulation is made imperative by serious flaws and defects in the working of the party system.

The effect of legal regulation is a transmutation of party, which ceases, when such regulation is applied, to be an informal organ of society freely expressing a trend of social thought, and freely seeking to transmit that trend into the area of political action, and tends to become instead a formal and legal organ of the legal association.

To regulate by law the meetings of party organizations, and to prescribe their methods of nominating candidates, may be, on occasion, a ‘cruel necessity’; but it is, in itself, a grave alteration of the proper relation between the State and party.

Regulation should only enter, as a desperate remedy, when the general system of parties, in the act of carry­ing over a current of social thought into the area of the State, becomes clogged by the manipulation of party managers, and when the State, as a liberating agency, is thus called on to clear the channel of transmission by providing that the meetings and actions of parties shall be free from any such clog.

But there are other and larger conditions which party must also satisfy if it is to perform its proper function in a system of democracy. In the first place, there must necessarily be a plurality of parties. A one-party State is a one-idea State: it is a falsification, and not a mediation, of social thought and of that general process of social discussion which must in its nature include a number of different ideas.

On the ground of principle, and looking at party as a set of ideas held by a body of persons within the process and for the purpose of social discussion, we must demand at least two parties as the necessary condition of any discussion; and we may demand even more than two, or in other words a multiple system of parties, if that is the proper expression of the varieties actually present in the process of social thought and discussion.

On the ground of practice, and looking at party, in its other aspect, as an organization for the purpose of creating and supporting a government—and also an opposition which will criticize the government and keep it effective—we may welcome a two-party system; but equally we may deprecate a multiple-party system, on the ground that it turns the creation of a government into a matter of temporary and interested coalitions, as it also makes the support of a government uncertain and incoherent.

Considerations of prin­ciple and considerations of practice are thus agreed in postulat­ing more than one party; but they are not agreed when the issue is one of more than two, for then considerations of prin­ciple may be in favour of more than two, and considerations of practice will be in favour of two and two only.

We can only say that, in such a case, considerations of principle may have to overbear considerations of practice, and that when social thought develops more than two trends of opinion it will be necessary to have more than two parties, even though the presence of more than two parties may involve coalitions and short-lived govern­ments. It would be a pity if raison de gouvernement were allowed to have the last word, and if the whole rational process of social thought and social discussion were subordinated to that raison.

A second condition which party must satisfy if it is to perform its proper function in a system of democracy is that each party should be a set of general ideas, backed by a general body of per­sons. A party must not be a set of particular ideas about a single interest, backed by a particular body of persons connected with that interest.

This is what Burke had in mind when he defined a party as a body of men united for promoting the national interest upon some particular principle: he meant that all parties alike should be concerned with the same general object, and that each should be partial or partisan only in its particu­lar angle of approach.

It is true, indeed, that a one-interest party may sometimes express a trend of social thought which is broad enough, and unselfish enough, to warrant such a form of expression; an abolitionist party, or even a prohibitionist party, may be held to be of this order.

On the other hand, a one- interest party, composed of a one-interested body of persons, cannot be in its nature an organization for the purpose of creating and supporting a government, or even for the purpose of helping to create and support a government; and a party cannot perform its full function, as a channel of mediation between Society and the State, unless it is able, at the very least, to help in the creation and the support of a government.

Upload and Share Your Article:

[PDF] Preliminary View of Sovereignty in the State

After reading this article you will learn about the preliminary view of sovereignty in the State.

In this connexion we may attempt a preliminary account of the notion of sovereignty. There must exist in the State, as a legal association, a power of final legal adjustment of all legal issues which arise in its ambit.

The legal association will not be a single unit, and law will not be a unity, unless there is some­where one authority to which crucial differences ultimately come, and which gives, as the authority of last resort, the ulti­mate and final decision.

Different social groups may press different views of what is, or ought to be, law; it is even possible that different departments of the State may hold, and seek to enforce, different notions of what is legally right; there must be a final adjustment-centre.

That final adjustment-centre is the sovereign, the topmost rung of the ladder, the superanus or sovrano, the ‘authority of the last word’. Sovereignty is not the same as general State-authority, or puissance publique: it is the particular sort of State-authority which is the power, and the right, of ultimate decision.

In one sense sovereignty is unlimited—unlimited and illimi­table. There is no question arising in the legal association, and belonging to the sphere of its operation, which may not come up to the sovereign, and which will not be finally decided by the sovereign if it so comes up to the topmost rung.

The adjust­ment-centre must be competent to adjust every issue, without exception, which may stand in need of adjustment. But there are other considerations also to be noticed; and these will show us that sovereignty, if it is not limited to particular questions and definite objects (limited, that is to say, in regard to the things which it handles), is none the less limited and defined by its own nature and its own mode of action.

In the first place, and as regards its nature, sovereignty is the authority of the last word. Only questions of the last resort will therefore be brought to the sovereign. Much will be settled in the lower ranges and in the ordinary course of the action of general State-authority.

In the second place, and as regards its mode of action, the sovereign is a part and an organ of the legal association. Nothing will therefore come to the sovereign which does not belong to the nature and operation of the legal associa­tion, as such. Sovereignty moves within the circle of the legal association, and only within that circle; it decides upon ques­tions of a legal order, and only upon those questions.

Moving within that circle, and deciding upon those questions, sove­reignty will only make legal pronouncements, and it will make them according to regular rules of legal procedure. It is not a capricious power of doing anything in any way: it is a legal power of settling finally legal questions in a legal way.

Upon this it follows that sovereignty, confined by its nature to the sphere of the legal association, will not enter or seek to control the sphere of society, unless questions arise in that sphere (such as the interpretation of a trust deed or of the articles of association of some form of voluntary society) which invite a legal decision and are amenable to such a decision.

There are areas of social action which cannot be entered by law or brought under legal control. Sovereignty, being by its nature legal, does not im­pinge on these areas.

Who, then, or what, is the sovereign, in the sense of being the final adjustment-centre of the legal association?

(a) Ultimately, and in the very last resort, the sovereign is the constitution itself—the constitution which is the efficient and formal cause of the association; which brings it into being; which forms and defines the organs and methods of its operation, and may also form and define (if the constitution either contains or is accompanied by a ‘declaration of rights’) the purposes of its operation.

It may be objected to this view that the sovereign is a body of living persons, and not an impersonal scheme; and that ultimate sovereignty must accordingly be ascribed, not to the constitution, but to the constitution-making body behind it which can alter and amend its provisions.

But there is an answer to that objection. The impersonal scheme of the constitution is permanently present, day by day, and year by year; it acts con­tinuously, and without interruption, as the permanent control of the whole operation of the State.

The body of persons which can alter and amend the constitution (and which, by the way, can act only under the constitution, and in virtue of the con­stitution) is a body which acts only at moments of interruption, and therefore at rare intervals. The continuous control may more properly be termed sovereign than the occasional inter­ruption; and we may accordingly say that the constitution itself, in virtue of being such a control, is the ultimate sovereign.

(b) Secondarily, however, and subject to the ultimate sove­reignty of the constitution, we may say that the body which makes ordinary law, in the sense of issuing the day-to-day and the year-by-year rules of legal conduct, is the immediate sove­reign. That body may be differently composed in different political systems.

In the United States, for example, it is com­posed of Congress and President acting independently (though with mutual checks and reciprocal powers of overriding one another’s authority) on a system of co-ordination.

In the United Kingdom it is composed of Parliament and His Majesty’s Ministers acting interdependently, and with a mutual give and take (though here too there are mutual checks, and Parliament can dismiss the Ministers by an adverse vote as vice versa they can dismiss Parliament by advising His Majesty to use his power of dissolution), on a system which is one of connexion rather than coordination.

However composed, the body which makes the ordinary law of the land is the immediate sovereign, which issues final legal pronouncements on ordinary current questions to the extent and by the methods authorized under the constitution.

The immediate sovereign which makes the ordinary law in the United Kingdom is authorized by the con­stitution to a greater extent of action, and to action by easier and speedier methods, than the immediate sovereign which makes the ordinary law in the United States; but in either case the immediate sovereign is a body authorized by the constitu­tion, acting and able to act because it is so authorized.

On the argument which is here advanced the constitution is the ultimate sovereign, in virtue of being the permanent scheme, or standing expression, of what may be called the primary law of the political association; and the law- and rule-making body is the immediate sovereign, in virtue of being the constant source and perennially active fountain of what may be called the secondary law of the land.

Two difficulties confront the argu­ment, one of them largely formal, but the other more sub­stantial. The first and largely formal difficulty is that it would appear to be inconsistent to begin by ascribing ultimate sovereignty to the constitution rather than to the constitution- making body, and then to proceed to ascribe immediate sove­reignty to the law- and rule-making body rather than to the law.

Does not consistency demand either that both sovereigns should be impersonal systems, or that both should be personal bodies; either that the ultimate sovereign should be ‘the rule of the con­stitution’ and the immediate sovereign ‘the rule of law’, or that the ultimate sovereign should be the constitution making body and the immediate the law- and rule-making body?

We may answer that inconsistency is inherent in the nature of the case. The position of the primary law of the State is different from that of the secondary law. In the sphere of the primary law, which is in its nature perma
nent, it is the law itself, as a constant control, which matters more than the body of persons who occa­sionally vary and change the control.

In the sphere of secondary law, which is in its nature constantly changing with the change of circumstances and situations, it is the body of men constantly making the changes, and always at the helm, that matters most in the eyes of men and is accordingly felt and acknowledged to be the immediate sovereign.

The second and more substantial difficulty raises deeper con­siderations. It has been said, in the argument here advanced, that the law- and rule-making body acts and is able to act because it is authorized by the constitution.

But may it not also be said, and should it not rather be said, that the law- and rule­-making body acts, and is able to act, because it is authorized by the nation, or short of that by national opinion, or, simpler still, by the electorate and its vote?

And if that may be said, is it pos­sible to ascribe any immediate sovereignty to that body, and should not such sovereignty be rather ascribed either:

(1) To the nation, or alternatively

(2) To the thought of the nation, as expressed in the form of public opinion, or even

(3) To the action of the electorate (as the organ par excellence of the nation), in electing—and thereby, in some sense, also authorizing and even ‘instructing’—the body which makes the laws and issues the rules of legal conduct?

Three ideas are involved in the considerations which have just been raised—the idea of the sovereignty of the nation, or ‘national sovereignty’ (in the sense in which the term is current among French thinkers): the idea (which some English and American thinkers have cherished) of ‘the sovereignty of public opinion’; and the idea of ‘the sovereignty of the electorate’, which in practice, in a number of continental countries, has been often interpreted to mean the sovereignty of the party or combination of parties which has secured a majority of electoral votes.

The most serious of these three ideas—all akin to one another, but rivals as well as kin—is the idea of the sovereignty of public opinion. We may therefore begin with that idea: we may then proceed to the idea of the sovereignty of the electorate; and we may end by examining the idea of ‘national sovereignty’ in the French sense of that term.

(a) By the side of the State—so our argument has run— national Society continues to exist; to pursue a process of general thought in the form of national discussion; and to act for a variety of social purposes through a variety of social organs also engaged in a process of thought (they could not otherwise act) which pours itself into the general pool of the thought of the whole society.

By the exercise of this process of thought in the form of discussion national Society precipitates a body of opinion, which we may call indifferently by the name of national or public opinion. This body of opinion will affect and qualify the action of the law-making body.

Legally, that body still remains the immediate sovereign, and it therefore re­mains unlimited and illimitable, except by the constitution: actually, it has its ear to the ground of public opinion, and although it may do de jure whatever it wills to do within the limits of the constitution, it moves de facto within the limits (necessarily, by their nature, elastic) of an encompassing body of opinion precipitated by the nation.

Some have made this fact of the relation of public opinion to the law-making body the ground of a distinction between two kinds of sovereignty— political sovereignty, regarded as resident in public opinion, and legal sovereignty, regarded as resident in the law-making body.

But the difficulty of this distinction is that all sovereignty is essentially legal, and you cannot divide what is essentially legal into the legal and the other-than-legal. (It is a different matter to make a distinction between two grades of legal sove­reignty, the higher and ultimate grade of the sovereignty of the constitution, and the lower and immediate grade of the sove­reignty of the law-making body: the difference there is a differ­ence of hierarchy and degree in one and the same kind of sovereignty; and not a difference of two kinds.)

We shall do well to cling to the idea of the one immediate legal sovereignty of the law-making body, admitting (or rather contending), as we do so, that in operation and practice this sovereignty acts with regard and respect—though not in legal subjection or any legal relation—to the general body of national thought and the weight of its opinion.

That, however, is true not only of the law-making body and of the immediate legal sovereignty which it exercises, but also of the whole of government and of State- authority in all its range. Executive officials are particularly bound to act on the ground of law; and yet even they will be wise to remember in the course of their executive action that opinion must count as well as law. The law-making body is particularly able, in virtue of its representative character, and therefore particularly bound (though never legally bound), to remember and regard the existence of public opinion.

(b) The idea of the sovereignty of the electorate is one of a different order from that of the sovereignty of public opinion. The electorate is not the national society, however great its numbers may be; and the verdict it passes, at a given time, on the programmes and candidates submitted to its choice is some­thing different from the constant play of national thought.

The electorate is a legal organ of the legal association: it is part and parcel of the State. Normally, as its name suggests, it exists and acts for the single purpose of choosing the law-making body. It may, however, be authorized by the terms of the constitution to act on occasion for the further purpose of concurring in the passage of law, through the institution of the referendum: it may even be authorized by the constitution to act for the still further purpose of joining, upon occasion, in the first motion of law, through the institution of the initiative.

In either of these events, or both, the law-making body is not the legislature only, but the legislature and the electorate acting in conjunction; or rather it is the latter on the occasions when the institutions of the initiative and the referendum are employed, and it is the former, and only the former, on the occasions when they are not. (The oscillation is somewhat perplexing; and that is one of the reasons why the referendum and the initiative have never attained a general vogue.)

But it is one thing to hold that the electorate may, in certain circumstances—that is to say, on some particular occasion—become a part of the immediate sovereign: it is another thing to hold that the electorate should, in all circumstances, be regarded as the whole of the immediate sove­reign. To profess a belief in the sovereignty of the electorate is to subscribe to this latter view.

But it is difficult, and indeed impossible, to subscribe to the view that the electorate, in and by itself, can ever be regarded as the immediate sovereign. There are, indeed, arguments which may be advanced in support of the view. One of them is the argument that the electorate, merely by the fact, and in virtue of the act, of electing the law-making body is super-sovereign over that body.

In itself that argument carries no weight: the electorate which chooses the immediate sovereign does not become an authority over it by virtue of its choice, any more than the electors who choose a professor become an authority over him by virtue of their choice. Another argument may seem to carry more weight.

This is the argument that the electorate not only elects the law-making body, but also ‘instructs’ it at the time of election, and that therefore the body so instructed must act, during its term of office, according to its instructions. The
re is a sense in which the result of a general election is a sort of general instruction to the law making body.

But this general instruction is, at the most, a general expectation that the majority of the persons elected will seek to carry into effect the programme on which they have been elected—subject, how­ever, to the march of events and new conjunctures of circum­stance, and subject, above all, to free discussion with the minority (who have also been elected and have also their rights and functions) and to the achievement of some compromise based upon such discussion.

Such a general expectation, so qualified and so circumscribed, imposes no legal obligation upon the persons elected: it does not make the electorate a legal ad­justment-centre: it does not diminish—it even increases—the duty of the body of elected persons to act as such a centre, and to make the actual adjustments to the best of their ability and by the use of their discretion.

There is a further remark to be added. The idea of the sove­reignty of the electorate, when we pursue it to its inmost recesses, is really a cover or outwork for the idea of the sovereignty of party. The name of the electorate may grace the measure, but party is the real flame.

The majority party pleads the verdict and instruction of the electorate—that is to say, of the majority of the electorate, for there is also a minority which has also given a verdict and instruction—in order to cover its partisan claim to make adjustments in its own sense and on its own motion.

Party has a great and legitimate function in a democratic sys­tem of government; the function of formulating choices for the electorate, the function of arraying sides in the legislature, the function of cementing the Cabinet (and also the anti-cabinet, or Leaders of the Opposition) in the sympathy of a common loyalty. But if it is ubiquitous, it is never sovereign; and if it contributes to adjustments, it is not their maker.

The hidden notion of the sovereignty of party is something more dangerous than the open idea of the sovereignty of the electorate. The electorate is intermittent: party is always there. The electorate is a legal organ, acting in public and by methods publicly pre­scribed. Party is partly public, but it is partly also private; it is partly a matter of the State, but it is partly also a matter of Society and voluntary social arrangements.

The sovereignty of party, however it might be veiled under the name of the elec­torate, would be a sovereignty always acting but often acting obscurely and sometimes deviously. There is all the more reason for refusing to accept the idea of the sovereignty of the electorate when we reflect on the nature of the actual sovereign which that idea might be used to veil.

(c) The idea of the sovereignty of the nation (souverainete nationale) is an idea which has had a large vogue in France. It is already indicated in one of the articles of the Declaration of the Rights of Men and Citizens of the year 1791: ‘le principe de toute souverainete reside essentiellement dans la nation.’ If, however, we analyse the term ‘nation’, in so far as it bears on the idea of sovereignty, we shall see that it must mean one of two things.

It may mean, in the first place, the whole population of a national territory, considered as the source of public opinion; and in that case what has already been said of the idea of the sovereignty of public opinion must also be said of the idea of national sovereignty.

It may mean, in the second place, that part of the population which constitutes the electorate; and in that case what has already been said of the sovereignty of the electorate must also be said of the idea of national sovereignty.

We may therefore conclude that immediate sovereignty can­not be ascribed to the nation, any more than it can be ascribed to the electorate or to public opinion, but must be ascribed to the law-making body, and to that body only. It is that body, and only that body, which makes the actual adjustments of questions under debate; and it is the adjustments made by that body, and only those adjustments, which are binding and obligatory on the members of the State.

It is true that the sovereignty of the law-making body is limited: indeed it is doubly limited— legally limited, by the need of keeping within the constitution and acting under the constitution; practically limited, by the need of keeping in harmony with the opinion of national society and acting in conformity with its general trend.

The fact that the constitution is a legal limit on the immediate sovereign makes the constitution super-sovereign; the final sovereign; the ultimate sovereign. But the fact that the public opinion of Society is a practical limit on the immediate sovereignty of the law-making body does not make that opinion in any sense sovereign. The term sovereign belongs to the legal sphere, and to that sphere only.

The constitution belongs to that sphere: public opinion does not. To vest sovereignty in the public opinion of national Society is both illogical and dangerous. It is illogical, because sovereignty does not belong to the social sphere in which opinion moves, but only to the legal sphere in which the State moves and has its being.

Again it is dangerous, for the simple reason that it magnifies unduly the nature and scope of sovereignty. If we say that public opinion, and the nation which forms that opinion, is sovereign, we tie ourselves to an undefined and unlimited sovereign, which can do what it will and will do what it can.

The pure legal sovereignty of a law-making body which confines itself to adjusting legal issues, by legal methods, in legal subjection to the constitution, and also, at the same time, in some degree of practical subjection to the trend of national opinion—such sovereignty, so confined, is a definite and limited thing.

Upload and Share Your Article:

[PDF] 7 Salient Features of Chinese Judicial System

This article throws light upon the seven salient features of the Chinese judicial system. The features are: 1. Judiciary is a Part of the Administration 2. A Committed Judiciary 3. System of People’s Justice 4. System of People’s Assessors 5. Elected Courts 6. Use of Different Languages by Various Nationalities 7. System of Procuratorate.

Feature # 1. Judiciary is a Part of the Administration:

Like all other socialist systems, Judiciary in China is not an independent institution. It is a branch of state administration. There is no such thing as separation of the judiciary from the executive in China.

Feature # 2. A Committed Judiciary:

The Judiciary in China has been assigned a role in the development of the socialist system. It is machinery for easy and speedy decision of cases, and for educating the citizens in the direction of the socialist system. Like all other government departments, the aim of the Judiciary is to uphold and strengthen the socialist system in a spirit of dedication to the socialist ideology.

It is the duty of the courts in China to inculcate in the citizens the spirit of devotion to the cause of socialism, to observe the norms of socialism, to abide by the Constitution and the Law, to safeguard the unity and integrity of the nation, and to help the state in suppressing counter revolutionaries, reactionaries and other enemies of the socialist system.

Feature # 3. System of People’s Justice:

The courts in China administer people’s justice i.e. justice in the interest of the socialist aspirations of the people. This principle is opposed to the principle of individual justice. Under the latter, the courts protect the rights and personal freedoms of the individual vis-a-vis the state. However, under the former, the courts protect the collective interests of the people vis-a-vis the individual interests.

Feature # 4. System of People’s Assessors:

The People’s courts hear the cases. Representatives of the people participate in the administration of justice. In cases pertaining to counter­revolutionary crimes and also in criminal cases, the masses are drawn in for discussions and suggestions.

All citizens who have the right to vote and contest elections are eligible to be elected as people’s assessors. Their tenures and methods of election are decided by the Ministry of Justice. These assessors enjoy equal rights with the judges of the courts in which they work.

Feature # 5. Elected Courts:

Chinese courts are elected by the congresses i.e. by social assemblies at different levels. These are responsible before their respective congresses. The judges report to the congress which elects them. The congress can also remove a judge.

Feature # 6. Use of Different Languages by Various Nationalities:

All the citizens of all nationalities possess the right to use their own spoken and written languages in court proceedings.

Feature # 7. System of Procuratorate:

The courts in China function in close cooperation with the people’s procuratorates which are at work at different levels. The procuratorates work under the Supreme People’s Procuratorate. These are instruments of state control over all the courts and government departments.

Thus, the Judiciary in China is neither an independent nor a powerful part of the constitutional system. It works as a system for eliminating the enemies of socialism. The judges are committed to the ideology of the Communist Party and their foremost task is to punish all those who work, directly or indirectly, against the interests and ideology of the Communist Party of China.

Upload and Share Your Article:

[PDF] Top 8 Features of Comparative Politics | Political Systems

This article throws light upon the top eight features of comparative politics. Some of the features are: 1. Analytical and Empirical Research 2. Objective Study of Politics 3. Emphasis Upon the Study of Infra-Structure of Politics 4. Inter-Disciplinary Focus 5. Study of Political Processes in both Developed and Developing Countries 6. Horizontal and Vertical Comparisons and Others.

Feature # 1. Analytical and Empirical Research:

Comparative Politics focuses on analytical empirical research. It is no longer confined to descriptive studies. It seeks to analyse, empirically and analytically, the actual activities of the governments and their structures and functions. It stands for scientific studies of politics.

Feature # 2. Objective Study of Politics:

Comparative Politics involves a value-neutral empirical study of the various processes of politics in their environment. Only those values are admitted whose validity can be scientifically demonstrated. It basically concentrates upon the study of what is and not what should be.

It rejects the normative-prescriptive approach of the comparative government. It aims at developing an empirical and objective theory of politics capable of explaining and comparing all phenomena of politics.

Feature # 3. Emphasis Upon the Study of Infra-Structure of Politics:

Comparative Politics now seeks to analyse the actual political behaviour of individuals, groups, structures, sub-systems and systems in relation to the environment in which their behaviour manifests. It is now not confined to the study of formal institutions of government in terms of their legal powers and functions.

It seeks to analyse the actual behaviour of all political structures in the environment. To study the dynamics of politics i.e., its actual operation in the environment, is regarded as the key focus of Comparative Politics. The study of the decision-making process in a given environment, for example, forms an integral part of Comparative Politics.

Feature # 4. Inter-Disciplinary Focus:

Comparative Politics accepts the desirability and need for adopting inter-disciplinary focus. It accepts the need to study politics with the help of the knowledge of psychology, sociology, anthropology, economics and other social sciences. Political behaviour is a part of the general social behaviour, and is intimately related to all other aspects of human behaviour.

As such, it can be systematically analysed only with reference to other social sciences. Further, the study of political structures can be studied only in relation with the social structures. This again makes it imperative for the students of Comparative Politics to adopt an inter-disciplinary focus.

Feature # 5. Study of Political Processes in both Developed and Developing Countries:

Whereas in its traditional form, it involved only the study of the governments of the developed societies, in contemporary times, it places great stress on the study of the political systems of developed as well as developing societies.

The biased and parochial nature of traditional studies stands replaced by all-embracing studies of developing as well as developed political systems. Study of political systems of Asia, Africa and Latin America enjoys equal importance with the study of American and European political systems. Modern political scientists, like Almond, Coleman, Sidney Verba, David Easton, Powell and Edward Shills, have given considerable importance to the study of politics in developing societies.

It has been accepted by all the political scientists that Comparative Politics must include all political systems of our times, developed as well as developing, European as well as non-European, and major as well as minor. Each political system is a laboratory which can provide useful insights into the processes of politics and lead to the collection of data which can provide valuable threads for knitting a theory of politics.

Feature # 6. Horizontal and Vertical Comparisons:

Comparative Politics involves both a comparative study of the political structures and functions of national political systems of various states and also a comparative study of the political structures at work within a single state. The former is called horizontal comparative studies and the latter vertical comparative studies. Traditionally under comparative government, emphasis was placed only upon horizontal comparative studies. In contemporary comparative politics studies however, equal importance is given to both types of comparisons.

Feature # 7. Scientific Theory-Building as the Objective:

The objective of the study of Comparative Politics is not only to make comparative studies of the similarities and dissimilarities of different political systems but also to build a theory of politics. Scientific theory-building is its objective.

David M. Wood observes, “The word ‘comparative’ is used with the purpose of laying stress on the fact that it is the responsibility of political science that for the purpose of comparison, the different political systems should be taken as a unit so that a special theory is formulated and tested”. The purpose is to develop concepts, approaches and theories which can be used for scientific theory-building in politics.

Feature # 8. Conceptualization of Politics as Political System:

Comparative Politics has adopted the concept of system for the study of Politics. The concept of Political system has virtually replaced the concept of state. It stands adopted as a new analytical too which has enabled political scientists to Study politics comprehensively, realistically and empirically?

It is used both for macro and micro, and horizontal and vertical studies of politics. It is a very useful tool for comparative studies of political systems in terms of their structures, functions and processes.

With all these features, Comparative Politics is almost a new science of politics. It has rejected the non-comprehensive scope, formal character, legal and institutional framework, normative and prescriptive approach and parochial nature of the traditional comparative studies of politics (Comparative Government). It now involves a comprehensive, precise and realistic study of politics which is capable of explaining and comparing all phenomena of politics in all parts of the globe.

Upload and Share Your Article:

[PDF] Essay on Law: Top 7 Essays | Branches | Philosophy

Here is an essay on ‘Law’ for class 11 and 12. Find paragraphs, long and short essays on ‘Law’ especially written for school and college students.

Essay on Law


Essay Contents:

  1. Essay on the Essence and Definition of Law
  2. Essay on the Various Theories of Law
  3. Essay on the Relation between Law and Morality
  4. Essay on the Nature of Law or Different Schools of Law
  5. Essay on the Sources of Law
  6. Essay on the International Law
  7. Essay on the Marxian View of Law


Essay # 1. Essence and Definition of Law:

In ordinary parlance law means the rules which guide human action. In every community there is a body of customary ways for carrying social activities. These are clear-cut and definite. Otherwise, a good deal of time would have been wasted to meet the friction.

These are a kind of unwritten code enforced by religious authorities or by the pressure of public opinion. These social standards sometimes assume greater significance for the purpose of the general welfare that some penalty is necessary for those who violate these customary laws. Then these customs cease to be purely social customs and assume political nature and become the laws of the land. These laws then virtually become the commands of the society. Their violations are met with penalty.

In modern states law is an enactment made by the state. It is backed by coercion or force. Its violation is punishable by the courts. It stands for the will of the state. It exists to realise the purpose of the state. It regulates the rights and duties of the citizens towards one another and also towards the state.

It is the medium of the state to fulfill its promises to the people. It represents the sociological needs of the society. It reflects the political, social and economic relationship in the state.

There are various definitions handed down by the political scientists.

Roscoe Pound’s definition of law is:

“Law constitutes a body of principle recognised or enforced by public and regular tribunals in the administration of justice.”

In the same vein Salmond wrote:

“Law is the body of principles recognised and applied by state in the administration of justice.”

Similar is the view of John Erskine:

“Law is the command of a sovereign, containing a common rule of life for his subjects, and obliging them to obedience.”

Woodrow Wilson defined law as:

“Law is that portion of the established thought and habit which has gained distinct and formal recognition in the shape of uniform rules backed by the authority and power of government.”

According to Thomas Hill Green:

“The law is a system of rights and obligations which the state enforces.”


Essay # 2. Various Theories of Law:

There are three schools of law. They are the analytical school, the historical school and the sociological school.

John Austin is the spokesman of the analytical school. This school underlines the fact that law is the command of a sovereign and is obeyed by the people because they are afraid of the coercive authority of the state. The historical school is headed by Sir Henry Maine. His view is that law is the result of a slow and lengthy social process and not made by the arbitrary will of a sovereign.

Hugo Krabbe who is the leader of the sociological school maintained that law is the expression of one of many judgments of values which human beings by disposition and nature are prone to make. Rule of law, which is a unique feature of British jurisprudence, is born in England as a human reaction to the sense of justice. The rule of law is a purely internal human affair and is not a result of external authority.


Essay # 3. Relation between Law and Morality:

Here we shall discuss the similarity between law and morality and then point out the difference between law and morality.

Similarity between Law and Morality:

There is a close relation between law and morality. Law is by and large based on the moral ethos of society.

They act and react upon each other. The ideal of law is to project general welfare and to promote the moral perfection of the individual.

The state must endeavour to make such laws that will heighten the moral standard of the people. So the laws of the state are rather the standard of morality of that time.

Thus Plato’s Republic which is a book on politics is at the same time a good treatise on morality. In ancient India Dharma would stand for both law and morality. Thus law is not only the command of the sovereign but a code of moral conduct also.

Without the moral support of the people a law cannot be enforced. So we find that law against the dowry has not been successful because a vast majority of the people in India does not morally support it.

In this context Thomas Hill Green pointed out “In attempting to enforce an unpopular law, a government may be doing more harm than good by creating and spreading the habit of disobedience to law. The total cost of such an attempt may well be greater than the total gain.”

Difference between Law and Morality:

The following are some of the points of difference between law and morality:

Law:

1. Law is concerned with the external human conduct and does not regulate with the inner motives. Law does not take notice of the inner motives of a man notice of the inner motives of a man notice of the inner motives of a man.

2. Law is uniform for all and it does not vary from man to man.

3. Law is precise and definite. Every state has a common forum of law.

4. There is a definite organ in every state for making law. The violator of law is punished by the state.

5. Law belongs to the subject of jurisprudence.

Morality:

1. Morality is concerned with both the inner motives and external actions of a man. So the scope of morality is wider than that of law.

2. Every man has a different moral obligation. It varies from man to man, age to age and circumstances to circumstances.

3. Morality is vague and indefinite. There is no authority to enforce morality.

4. Morality is never made by any organ. There is no force to punish the breaker of morality. There is no element of compulsion in morality.

5. The branch of knowledge that deals with morality is called ethics.


Essay # 4. Nature of Law or Different Schools of Law:

1. Analytical School of Jurists:

John Austin, Jean Bodin, Thomas Hobbes and Niccolo Machiavelli are the principal exponents of this school. Of them Austin ranks preeminent so much so that this school is very often referred to as the Austinian school of jurists.

The analytical school believes that there are two axioms of law. First axiom is that law is the command of a determinate human superior to an inferior. The second point is that law is the essence of the state and it is obeyed because of the fear of punishment.

The above two axioms of the analytical school when analysed develops on the following lines. First, law is a creation by a determinate sovereign political authority which may be a single person or
a body of persons. Secondly, the coercive power of the state is the sanction behind law. Law is obeyed by the people because breach of law is followed by punishment.

Criticism:

This analytical school is subjected to scathing criticism. First, it is not correct that law is the creation of anybody. On the other hand, law is mostly the result of customs, conventions, equity and decisions in the courts of law. Customs which regulate the social order existed long before the state came into being. Even when the state came into being the legislature therein simply codified the customs and traditions.

It is common knowledge that no sovereign made these customs. Simply because the state has capacity to command, it does not follow from this that the sovereign political authority is the only source of law. What is true is that the sovereign commands those laws which are in accordance with the spirit of time backed by the public opinion. Law is the necessity of the state.

Secondly, it is not correct that laws are obeyed because of fear of punishment. In actuality laws are obeyed because these are useful for the general welfare of the community. If law is obeyed out of fear, how do the people then disobey law? Are the law-breakers not afraid of punishment? There is no logistic connection between these two aspects of the matter. The people obey the laws because laws are essential for the all-round development of the community. The people have a moral obligation to abide by the laws of the land.

Thirdly, the historical school of jurists represented by Sir Henry Maine and Fredrich Karl Savigny outright reject the analytical school’s view that law is the will of the sovereign enforced by the coercive power of the state.

2. Historical School of Jurists:

Sir Henry Maine and Savigny are the principal advocates of the historical school. This school thinks that law is self-created and self-executed. One should study law in the background of environments, religious influence, moral canons and economic forces prevalent at a particular time in a particular region.

The function of the state is not to create law but to realise and enforce it. No sovereign can throat upon the people a law which is unacceptable to them. This aspect of the matter has been lost sight of by the analytical school

3. Sociological School:

Hugo Krabbe and Leon Duguit are the standard bearers of this school. According to Krabbe- “Law is totality of rules which spring from man’s feeling or sense of right.” Law is independent of and above the state. Duguit’s view is that law is simply the name for the rules of conduct which control men in the society.

Laws are obeyed not because these are commands of the sovereign or because disobedience is punished by force but because they spring from the necessities of social life. Sanction behind law is a psychological factor, not the brute force. The sociological school is a subjective approach as against the objective one. It totally ignores the coercive element.


Essay # 5. Sources of Law:

There are various sources of law. Of them the most important are customs, religion, equity, judicial decisions, scientific discussion and legislation.

1. Customs:

Custom is a very vital source of law. It is the customs, traditions and usages that played a great role in the primitive society.

When a particular method is invented and put into practice it is imitated by others and it gets a large following. In this way, a custom comes into being. It is just like a path being made by constantly beating on the field by the walkers. In the primitive society these customs were in wide acceptance since these were conducive to the well-being of the people at large.

These customs were a ceaseless flow from one generation to another. These were matured by the lapse of time and in the modern period these were codified. The entire mass of common law of England is a good example of the customary law.

2. Religion:

In the past the social order was in the hands of the priest community and so religion constituted a very powerful source of law. In ancient India the Brahmins were the most dominant class. Similarly, the Pontiffs and the clergy held sway in ancient Rome and ancient England respectively.

With the passing of time the religious injunctions deepened in the society. Thus the code of Manu, the Koran and the Bible became the guide of the Hindu law, the Muslim law and the Christian law respectively. The laws of marriage and succession were regulated by the religious codes.

3. Judicial Decisions:

In the course of deciding a case the judges lay certain new laws, because all new cases cannot be decided by the old laws alone. These new rulings are necessary to clarify the ambiguities. The common law of England is by and large a collection of judge-made laws. The judges also contribute in the law-making in a different way.

When a judge finds it difficult to come to a decision with the help of the existing laws of the land, he decides the case on the basis of conscience which is called equity. The term equity is a unique feature of judicial law-making. There is a separate court in England called the Court of Chancery. This is the highest organisation of the administration of equity. So this court is very often referred to as the Court of King’s or Queen’s conscience.

Distinguished legal luminaries who wrote commentaries on law contribute to the making of laws. Thus Sir Edward Coke, Sir William Blackstone and Halsbury are the eminent jurists who have influenced the laws of England. Their views are used by the lawyers in the course of their arguments and the judges also take judicial notice of them.

According to R. N. Gilchrist:

“The commentator by collecting, comparing and logically arranging legal principles, customs, decisions and laws lays down guiding principles for possible cases.”

5. Legislation:

In modern states the largest number of law- making takes place in the legislature. As a matter of fact, in the modern state the legislatures are absorbing all other sources of Law.

In this context Woodrow Wilson rightly observed-

“All means of formulating laws tend to be swallowed up in the one great, deep and broadening sense, legislation.”

Thus customs, religion, equity are now very insignificant sources of law.

Conclusion:

The above list does not constitute the source of law. As a matter of fact, the consensus or the common consent of the community is the only source of law. Thus customs, religion, legislature are not strictly speaking so many sources of law. These are sources of law only insofar as these are common consent of the community.

These are rather so many channels of common consent. There are at the same time different stages in the development of law. In this conclusion we have just accepted the view of Francis Lawrence Oppenheim.


Essay # 6. International Law:

As man cannot live in isolation of other men, a state also cannot live within its closed world. A state has to keep contact with other states. If municipal laws are there to determine the relation of one citizen with other, the international law is there to regulate the relation between one state and others. It is but natural that there may arise conflicts and disputes between the states; and the scope of the international law is to sort out these differences. International law is th
e law between the states. It regulates their rights and duties.

The English utilitarian Jeremy Bentham was the first to coin the term international law. R. N. Gilchrist defined international law as “that body of rules which civilised states observe in their dealings with each other, these rules being enforced by each particular state according to its own moral standards or convenience.”

J. L. Brierly called it – “The body of rules and principles of action which are binding upon civilised states in their relations with one another.” Paul Lawrence called it “the rules which determine the conduct of the general body of civilised states in their mutual dealings.”

For Francis Lawrence Openheim it is “the body of customary and conventional rules which are considered legally binding by civilised states in their intercourse with each other.” The states, by nature being mutually interdependent, have to abide by these international norms. They were not made in one stroke. They evolved bit by bit through tradition and conventions and got the recognition and acceptance by the states.

Whether International Law is really a Law:

It is a disputed matter as to whether international law can be called law in the real sense of the term. To find an answer to it one is inclined to know the definition of law which John Austin called a command of a determinate human superior to an inferior. His followers called the analytical school are of the view that international law cannot be called law for the following reasons.

We are enumerating these as the grounds for not calling international law really a law:

I. It is not the Command of a Determinate Human Superior:

If law is the command of the sovereign, apparently there is no sovereign to command the international law.

II. International Law has no Backing of a Coercive Authority:

It is common knowledge that law is obeyed for fear of punishment. This aspect of fear and punishing authority are conspicuous by their absence in international law. So if a slate violates the international law, there will be no punishment for it. It is for this reason that Thomas Holland called international law “the vanishing point of jurisprudence.”

III. Absence of Courts to Interpret International Law:

Interpretation of law is an important must; otherwise wrong interpretation will lead to chaos and uncertainty. As a matter of fact, international law is everybody’s paradise because everybody can interpret it any way he likes. This serious lacuna goes in the minus side of international law falling within the field of law.

IV. International Law is a Negation of the Sovereignty of the State:

International law comes in conflict with the sovereignty of the state. A sovereign state has absolute authority internally and externally and does not recognise any outside authority or outside law. If the state has to shed its authority in view of the international law, the state will have to cut in its sovereign image. This will deny the sovereign status of the state-

But there is another school of writers who say that international law is really a law in the same sense in which municipal law is a law.

They advance the following grounds to call international law a real law:

i. Law is not always a work of a definite political authority:

The modern writers do not consider law made by a definite political authority. It is the fruit of the social needs of the community. It is a derivation from various sources like customs, religion and judicial decisions. In the same way, international law is derived from the specific needs of the states. So there is no problem for international law falling within the class of law.

ii. Law is obeyed not in fear of punishment:

Public opinion rather than fear of punishment from the coercive state is the basis of obedience of the law. This equally applies to international law. Even otherwise, the UNO takes military action and punishes the wrong-doers.

iii. Courts of law not absent in International Law:

There are international courts and tribunals to give correct interpretation of the international law. Mention may be made of the International Court of Justice, the Permanent Arbitration Court and the National Supreme Courts. That being the position, there is no reason why international law will be excluded from the purview of law.

iv. International Law is a Part of Municipal Law:

Many key countries of Europe like England and the USA regard the international law as good as the law of their own country. They will not make any law that may conflict with the international law. The international norms are signs of civilisation and all forward-looking countries take steps to imbibe the message of the international law.

v. International Law Shaping into Concrete Law:

Repelling the contention that international law is not exact or definite because it is not made by any definite authority, it may be said as a counterpoise that international law is on the process of getting codified. The Paris Peace Conference, the London Conference, the Brussels Conference and the Geneva Convention are pointers to this direction. Both the League of Nations and the UNO set up commissions to codify the international law and have succeeded to a large extent in that matter. So international law is heading for an exact code.

vi. Spontaneous Acceptance of International Law by the Modern States:

With the world becoming smaller because of improved means of communication and transport there is a tendency to go ahead for a world community, a world citizenship and even a world state. In such a developing spree the municipal law will take a back seat and its place will be taken up by the international law. So there is a rosy prospect for international law.


Essay # 7. Marxian View of Law:

The Marxian conception of law is a quite different cup of tea. The Marxists totally reject the theory that law is the expression of the general will of the people. They argue that law cannot express the will of the people when the state is bent upon promotion of interest of the class in power.

So law expresses only the will of the dominant class, which controls the means of production. The Marxists, however, believe that law will start to express the will of the people the moment the state will embrace socialism where there will be no class and where all will have equal status.

In other stages of socio-economic life, law will be used to meet the narrow ends of the possessing class.

So Marx said:

“Law is an expression of society’s general interests and needs as they emerge from a given material means of production.”

Since law acts through the courts, the latter cannot be impartial because the judges are appointed by the dominant class to protect their own interests.

In Marxist dictionary there is no independence of the judiciary. So Marx made it clear that law of the bourgeois state is a poisoned instrument to defend the interest of the exploiters.

The wealthy and propertied class makes the law to carry on its oppression on the working and poor class, who obey these laws as long as they have not the required strength to overthrow the bourgeois government. With the establishment of socialism in Russia and China, law became the will of the general people.

Criticism of Marxian View of Law:

Karl Marx in his characteristic way gave the concept of law as an instrument of protecting the interest of the economically dominant class in the society and that law as the real expression of the general will of the people is to b
e found in a classless socialist state. No doubt the party in power tries to make those laws which are in keeping with their party programme.

But this is not the holistic picture of the law-making system. There are some laws which are basic and which continue forever irrespective of the fact which party is in the power or in the opposition. For example, the laws of contract, evidence, crime and punishment are continuing in all ages. Marx ignored this aspect of the matter of law.

Furthermore, Marx failed to give any importance to the constitution which is considered non-political, sacred and highest law of the land. For Marx, the constitution is also an instrument of the economically ruling class and that the judiciary is an institution of committed judges. This is not correct. The constitutional law is permanent and sacred and cannot be said to represent the ruling class.

Again, Marx overlooked the importance of the honest public opinion playing its role in the law-making of the country. He does not also take into account the great role played by referendum, initiative and recall which focus the will of the people in the law-making business.

Lastly, it is difficult to believe that socialism will ensure a judicial heaven where law will reflect the real will of the people. This had not happened in the former USSR or modem China.


Upload and Share Your Article:

[PDF] Obsolescence of Collective Security | Hindi | Essay | International Politics

Read this essay in Hindi to learn about the factors responsible for the obsolescence of collective security in a state.

ऐसा कहा जाता है कि, सामूहिक सुरक्षा का सिद्धान्त पुराना पड चुका है । यह पुरानापन अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय राजनीति के स्वरूप में पिछले दिनों हुए परिवर्तनों के कारण आया है । शुरू में सामूहिक सुरक्षा की कल्पना उस तरह के युद्ध के सन्दर्भ में उदित हुई थी जो अपने पुराने ढर्रे का रह गया है ।

परमाणु युद्ध के खतरे से अब ऐसी अनेक समस्याएं पैदा हो गयी हैं जिन्होंने सामूहिक सुरक्षा को असामयिक बना दिया है । बहुत सम्भव है कि सामूहिक सुरक्षा के सिद्धान्त को क्रियान्वित करने से पहले ही आक्रमण का शिकार राज्य पूर्णरूप से विनष्ट हो जाए ।

यही नहीं, आधुनिक विश्व में शक्ति के द्विध्रुवीकरण ने इस सिद्धान्त की कार्यान्विति को एक प्रकार से असम्भव बना दिया है । द्विध्रुवीकरण के परिणामस्वरूप शक्ति वितरण का प्रतिरूप या ढर्रा ऐसा नहीं रह गया है कि हर राज्य सामूहिक कार्यवाही के नियन्त्रण में आ सके । आज ‘आक्रमण’ की परिभाषा करना भी बड़ा कठिन है ।

सामूहिक सुरक्षा के विचार के जन्म के साथ आक्रमण की जो धारणा प्रचलित थी उसमें परोक्ष आक्रमण की विविध तकनीकों के कारण बड़ा परिवर्तन आ गया है ।  गुट निरपेक्ष राष्ट्रों के उदय के कारण भी सामूहिक सुरक्षा का क्रियान्वयन कठिन जान पड़ता है,  चूंकि गुट निरपेक्ष कहलाने वाले राष्ट्र अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय झमेलों से दूर रहना ही पसन्द करते हैं । मॉरगेन्थाऊ के अनुसार, सामूहिक सुरक्षा की राजनय का ध्येय सब स्थानीय द्वन्द्वों को विश्व द्वन्द्वों में बदलना होता है ।

यदि यह शान्ति का एक नया संसार नहीं बना सकती तो यह युद्ध का एक संसार बनाए बिना नहीं रह सकती । क्योंकि शान्ति को अविभाज्य माना गया है तो इससे यह तथ्य निकलता है कि युद्ध भी अविभाज्य होता है । सामूहिक सुरक्षा की अवधारणा के अन्तर्गत संसार के किसी स्थान पर युद्ध सशक्त रूप में विश्वयुद्ध है ।

इस प्रकार युद्ध को असम्भव बनाने वाले यन्त्र का अन्त युद्ध को विश्वव्यापी बनाकर होता है । दो राष्ट्रों में शान्ति संरक्षण के स्थान पर जैसा कि इसे समकालिक विश्व में काम करना चाहिए सामूहिक सुरक्षा सब राष्ट्रों के बीच शान्ति भंग करने पर बाध्य है ।

सामूहिक सुरक्षा की धारणा को अव्यावहारिक बताते हुए वाल्टर लिप्पमैन ने बहुत बड़ा व्यंग्य किया है- ”यदि किसी शल्य-चिकित्सक से किसी रोगी की टांग काटने के लिए कहा जाए और इसके लिए उसे स्वयं बांह को काटना पड़े तो कोई शल्य चिकित्सा नहीं हो सकेगी । यदि चोरों, हत्यारों और ट्रैफिक के नियमों को तोड़ने वालों को गिरफ्तार करने के लिए पुलिस को युद्ध आरम्भ कर देना पड़े जिसमें न्यायालय कारागार तथा घर सभी नष्ट हो जाएं तो हमारे नगरों में कानून की कोई क्रियन्विति नहीं हो सकेगी । मनुष्य सूअर को भूनने के लिए अपने अनाज के गोदामों में आग नहीं लगाएंगे । मैं इस बात को दुहराता हूं कि सामूहिक सुरक्षा की पद्धति बहुत भौंडी, बहुत महंगी तथा सामान्य एवं नियमित प्रयोग के लिए बहुत अविश्वसनीय है । वह निरपराध लोगों का संहार करने का आह्वान करके शान्ति को स्थापित करने का प्रस्ताव करती है, कोई भी विश्व-व्यवस्था ऐसे सिद्धान्त के ऊपर आधारित नहीं की जा सकती उसे सभ्य मानवता का समर्थन प्राप्त नहीं हो सकता । लोकतान्त्रिक मनुष्य जो व्यक्ति का आदर करते हैं और जो न्याय की मुख्य विशेषता निर्दोष एवं अपराधी के बीच उत्तरदायी और अनुत्तरदायी विभेद को मानते हैं इस सिद्धान्त को अपना समर्थन कभी नहीं दे सकते ।”

सामूहिक सुरक्षा का युद्ध यथास्थिति (Status Quo) की स्थापना के लिए होता है । इसलिए सामूहिक सुरक्षा को लिप्पमैन ने ‘यथास्थिति का संरक्षक’ कहा है । क्लाड (Claude) ने सामूहिक सुरक्षा की निरर्थकता पर विचार करते हुए यह मत प
्रकट किया है कि, वर्तमान समय में सामूहिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय शक्ति के प्रबन्ध का सही उत्तर नहीं है । सामूहिक सुरक्षा सिद्धान्त अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय सम्बन्धों के कुछ पहले के काल में तो लागू हो सकता था, परन्तु आज वर्तमान परिस्थितियों में यह सिद्धान्त प्रभावशाली रूप में लाए नहीं हो सकता है ।

आणविक युद्ध की सम्भावना ने शक्ति प्रबन्ध के रूप में सामूहिक सुरक्षा को निरर्थक बना दिया है । सामूहिक सुरक्षा शक्ति के प्रति यथार्थ दृष्टिकोण नहीं रखती ।  क्लाड का कहना है कि- ”सामूहिक सुरक्षा का सिद्धान्त पुराना पड़ गया हे ।”

सामूहिक सुरक्षा व्यवस्था के अन्तर्गत यह आशा की जाती है कि, राष्ट्र सहयोग तथा त्याग की भावना से प्रेरित होकर अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय शान्ति तथा सहयोग की वृद्धि पर जोर देंगे । विभिन्न देशों की विदेश नीतियां तथा राष्ट्रीय हित सामूहिक सुरक्षा के विचार से मेल नहीं खाते हैं ।

सामूहिक सुरक्षा के अन्तर्गत राष्ट्रों से ऐसे उच्च स्तर के बलिदान की आशा की जाती है कि वे उन कार्यों को भी करें जो कि उसके हित के प्रतिकूल हों । यही नहीं उनसे यह भी आशा की जाती है कि वे अपने जीवन को त्यागने के लिए तैयार रहें तथा विश्व में कहीं भी किसी दूसरे राष्ट्र की रक्षा के लिए युद्ध के सम्पूर्ण विनाश का खतरा मोल लें । इसी दृष्टि से क्काड ने सामूहिक सुरक्षा को सामान्य नीति के प्रति ‘अयथार्थवादी दृष्टिकोण’ (Unrealistic Policy) कहा है ।

सामूहिक सुरक्षा पद्धति बल प्रयोग द्वारा शान्ति स्थापित करना चाहती है । सामूहिक सुरक्षा यह मानती है कि युद्ध अनिवार्य है और युद्ध न होने देकर अथवा युद्ध होने पर सामूहिक रूप से बल प्रयोग द्वारा शान्ति स्थापित की जानी चाहिए । ऐसी शान्ति कभी स्थापित नहीं हो सकती । युद्ध द्वारा स्थापित शान्ति अन्तत: एक और युद्ध को जन्म देती है । अत: सामूहिक सुरक्षा पद्धति द्वारा विश्वशान्ति की कल्पना करना व्यर्थ है ।

Upload and Share Your Article: