[PDF] Principle of Hierarchy | Hindi | Organisation | Public Administration

Read this article in Hindi to learn about:- 1. Principle of Hierarchy Explained 2. Characteristics of Hierarchy System 3. Types 4. Advantages 5. Disadvantages. 

Contents:

  1. पदसोपान कार्यप्रणाली का स्पष्टीकरण (Principle of Hierarchy Explained)
  2. पदसोपान प्रणाली की विशेषताएँ (Characteristics of Hierarchy System)
  3. पदसोपान प्रणालियों के प्रकार (Types of Hierarchy System)
  4. पदसोपान प्रणाली के लाभ (Advantages of Hierarchy System)
  5. पदसोपान प्रणाली की हानियाँ (Disadvantages of Hierarchy System)


1. पदसोपान कार्यप्रणाली का स्पष्टीकरण (Principle of Hierarchy Explained):

पदसोपान वाले संगठन और उसकी कार्यप्रणाली को निम्नवत् स्पष्ट किया जा सकता है:

संगठन के अध्यक्ष ‘अ’ हैं । ‘क’ इनके अधीनस्थ कर्मचारी हैं जिनके अधीन ‘ख’ है जो ‘क’ के माध्यम से ‘अ’ के भी अधीन है । इसी प्रकार ‘ग’ यद्यपि ‘ख’ के तात्कालिक अधीनस्थ हैं, किन्तु ‘ख’ के माध्यम से ‘क’ और ‘अ’ के भी अधीन है । यही स्थिति दूसरे पक्ष अर्थात् ‘च’, ‘छ’, ‘ज’ एवं ‘झ’ की है । यदि अध्यक्ष ‘अ’ कोई आदेश ‘घ’ को देना चाहते हैं तो वह ‘क’ ‘ख’ और ‘ग’ से होता हुआ ‘घ’ तक पहुँचेगा ।

यदि ‘घ’ कोई सुझाव ‘झ’ को देना चाहते हैं तो पहले वह सुझाव ‘ग’, ‘ख’, ‘क’ से होता हुआ ‘अ’ तक पहुँचेगा तदुपरान्त ‘च’, ‘छ’, ‘ज’ से होता हुआ ‘झ’ तक पहुँचेगा । यही प्रक्रिया ‘उचित मार्ग द्वारा’ (Through Proper Channel) है ।


2. पदसोपान प्रणाली की विशेषताएँ (Characteristics of Hierarchy System):

पदसोपान प्रणाली की प्रमुख विशेषताएँ निम्नलिखित हैं:

(i) पदसोपानीय संगठन पिरामिड के आकार का होता है इसमें प्रत्येक व्यक्ति की एक विशिष्ट पहचान होती है । यह श्रेणीबद्ध रूप में एक व्यवस्थित संगठन है ।

(ii) संगठन के शीर्ष पर विभागाध्यक्ष या शीर्षस्थ अधिकारी होता है । सर्वोच्च सत्ता का केन्द्र वही होता है ।

(iii) संगठन को कार्य के आधार पर विभिन्न इकाइयों में विभक्त किया जाता है ।

(iv) संगठन में उत्तरदायित्व का बँटवारा पदाधिकारियों की कार्यकुशलता के आधार पर किया जाता है ।

(v) संगठन में सत्ता, आदेश, नियन्त्रण व उत्तरदायित्व एक-एक स्तर से गुजरते हैं । सत्ता, आदेश व नियन्त्रण का संचरण ऊपर से नीचे की ओर होता है, जबकि उत्तरदायित्व का प्रवाह निम्न से उच्च स्तर की ओर होता है ।

(vi) ‘आदेश की एकता’ के नियम का पालन किया जाता है प्रत्येक अधिकारी अपने से उच्च अधिकारी से आदेश प्राप्त करता है तथा उसी के प्रति उत्तरदायी रहता है ।

(vii) शीर्षस्थ अधिकारी के पास कार्यभार नहीं होता है क्योंकि अधिकारों व दायित्वों का वितरण विभिन्न स्तरों पर कर दिया जाता है ।

(viii) संगठन की सभी इकाइयाँ परस्पर व एकीकृत होती हैं ।

(ix) संगठन की विभिन्न इकाइयों में समन्वय बना रहता है ।


3. पदसोपान प्रणालियों के प्रकार (Types of Hierarchy System):

पिफनर व शेरवुड ने पदसोपान प्रणालियों के निम्नलिखित चार प्रकार बताए हैं:

(i) कार्य आधारित पदसोपान (Job Task Based Hierarchy):

इसमें प्रत्येक कर्मचारी का स्थान उसके द्वारा सम्पन्न किए जाने वाले कार्यों के अनुसार निर्धारित होता है । अधिक अधिकारों से युक्त व्यक्तियों की स्थिति उच्च मानी जाती है । इस व्यवस्था में कार्योंकी प्रकृति और विशिष्टता के अनुरूप ही उत्तर दायित्व जुड़ा होता है ।

सर्वाधिक विशिष्ट कार्यों का सम्पादित करने वाला सोपान के सर्वोच्च स्तर पर होता है । समान कार्य के लिए समान वेतन का नियम होता है । एक ही प्रकार के कार्य को करने वाला व्यक्ति अनुभवी होता है जिससे कि कार्यकुशलता में वृद्धि होती है कार्य सीखने में समय व्यय नहीं करना पड़ता है ।

(ii) पद आधारित पदसोपान (Rank Based Hierarchy):

पदसोपान की इस प्रणाली में व्यक्तियों की स्थिति उ
नके कार्यों व उत्तरदायित्वों के आधार पर नहीं वरन्‌ पद द्वारा निर्धारित होती है । यह व्यवस्था व्यक्ति के सार, वेतन एवं विशेष अधिकारों की ओर सकेत करती है । उदाहरणार्थ- सेना के क्षेत्र में यही पद्धति अपनाई जाती है सैनिक अधिकारियों के नियुक्ति स्थल बदलने के साथ ही उनके कार्यों में भी परिवर्तन हो जाता है । सीमा-स्थलों एवं शान्ति-स्थलों में एक ही पद पर बने रहने के बावजूद उनके कार्य भिन्न-भिन्न होते हैं ।

(iii) कुशलता आधारित पदसोपान (Skill Based Hierarchy):

यह संगठन योग्यता एवं दक्षता के आधार पर निर्मित किया जाता है । एक निश्चित समय में निश्चित लक्ष्य की प्राप्ति में कोई व्यक्ति कितना सक्षम है, उसी के आधार पर उसकी नियुक्ति की जाती है । योग्यता व कुशलता के आधार पर ही कर्मचारियों की श्रेणीबद्धता रहती है । उदाहरणार्थ- एक औद्योगिक संगठन में शीर्ष पर अनुसन्धानकर्ता वैज्ञानिक होते हैं उससे निम्न स्तरों पर क्रमश: उत्पादन इंजीनियर, प्रबन्ध इंजीनियर, अनेक कार्यवाहक विशेषज्ञ होते हैं ।

(iv) वेतन आधारित पदसोपान (Pay Based Hierarchy):

इस प्रणाली में सर्वाधिक वेतन पाने वाला व्यक्ति सर्वोच्च शिखर पर होता है तथा निम्नतम स्तर पर सबसे कम वेतन पाने वाला व्यक्ति होता है प्रशिक्षण व अनुभव का निर्धारण भी वेतन के आधार पर होता है ।


4. पदसोपान प्रणाली के लाभ (Advantages of Hierarchy System):

पदसोपान प्रणाली निम्नलिखित दृष्टियों से लाभप्रद है:

(i) संगठनात्मक एकता (Organization Unity):

पदसोपानीय प्रणाली में मुख्य कार्यपालिका, पदाधिकारी एवं कर्मचारी परस्पर एक जंजीर की कड़ियों की भांति जुड़े रहते हैं । डॉ. एम. पी. शर्मा के अनुसार- ”यह एक धागा है जिसके द्वारा विभिन्न हिस्से एक साथ सिले जाते हैं ।”

पदसोपानीय प्रणाली की संगठनात्मक एकता पर प्रकाश डालते हुए मूने लिखते हैं- ”क्रमिक प्रक्रिया के सिद्धान्त का सबसे बड़ा लाभ यह है कि वह विभिन्न विभागों को जोड़ने वाला एक यन्त्र है । वह संगठन के लिए उसी प्रकार आवश्यक है जिस प्रकार किसी भवन के ढाँचे के लिए सीमेन्ट ।”

(ii) कर्मचारियों को अनुभव प्राप्त करने की सुविधा (Convenience of Gaining Experience by Employees):

पदसोपान प्रणाली अधिकार व कर्त्तव्यों के विभाजन पर आधारित है । इसमें प्रत्येक स्तर पर अधिकारियों व कर्मचारियों को अपने अधिकारों व शक्तियों के उपयोग का अवसर प्राप्त होता है जिससे कि वे अपने कार्य में दक्षता व अनुभव प्राप्त करते जाते हैं ।

(iii) आदेश की एकता (Unity of Commands):

पदसोपान प्रणाली में ‘आदेश की एकता’ के सिद्धान्त को अपनाया जाता है । आदेश का संचरण ऊपर से नीचे की ओर क्रमानुसार होता है । प्रत्येक व्यक्ति एक ही पदाधिकारी के आदेशों का पालन करता है तथा उसी के प्रति उत्तरदायी होता है । इससे संगठन का कार्य सुचारु रूप से चलता है ।

(iv) उचित मार्ग द्वारा कार्य (Work through Proper Channel):

पदसोपान प्रणाली में प्रत्येक पदाधिकारी अपने से तात्कालिक उच्च पदाधिकारी की देखरेख में कार्य करता है तथा उसी के प्रति उत्तरदायी रहता है प्रत्येक क्रिया को सभी स्तरों से गुजरना होता है । इस सिद्धान्त या प्रक्रिया को ‘उचित मार्ग द्वारा’ कहा गया है ।

(v) सर्वोच्च अधिकारी की सुविधा (Convenience for Executive Officer):

पदसोपानीय व्यवस्था में सर्वोच्च अधिकारी को कार्यसंचालन में पर्याप्त सुविधा रहती है । वह अपने अधीनस्थ अधिकारियों को कार्य सम्बन्धी आदेश व निर्देश देता है जिससे कि उसका स्वयं का कार्य भार काफी हल्का हो जाता है । इससे अधिकारी के बहुमूल्य समय की बचत होती है तथा कार्य दक्षतापूर्वक सम्पन्न किया जाता है ।

(vi) पत्र-व्यवहार की सुविधा (Convenient Correspondence):

पदसोपान प्रणाली में पत्र-व्यवहार अथवा सन्देश-प्रेषण उच्च से निम्न अथवा निम्न से उच्च स्त
रों तक उचित मार्ग द्वारा भेजा जाता है । प्रत्येक पदाधिकारी को यह ज्ञात होता है कि उसे पत्र-व्यवहार किस पदाधिकारी से करना है ? इस प्रकार पत्र-व्यवहार की प्रक्रिया सुविधाजनक होती है ।

(vii) समन्वय (Co-Ordination):

इस पद्धति में संगठन की सभी कार्यवाहियाँ निश्चित नियमों के अन्तर्गत सम्पन्न की जाती हैं । इसके अतिरिक्त स्पष्ट कार्य-विभाजन होता है तथा सत्ता व उत्तरदायित्व का संचारण निर्धारित दिशाओं में होता है परिणामस्वरूप संगठन की विभिन्न इकाइयों के मध्य समन्वय बना रहता है ।


5. पदसोपान प्रणाली की हानियाँ (Disadvantages of Hierarchy System):

पदसोपान प्रणाली से होने वाली कतिपय हानियाँ निम्नलिखित हैं:

(i) कार्य-सम्पन्नता में विलम्ब (Delay in Performance of Work):

इस प्रणाली में प्रत्येक आदेश, कार्यवाही, पत्र एवं सन्देश आदि को प्रत्येक स्तर से गुजरना पड़ता है । प्रत्येक स्तर पर सम्बन्धित अधिकारी को कार्यवाही करने में कुछ-न-कुछ समय अवश्य लगता है जिससे कि सम्पूर्ण प्रक्रिया में अनावश्यक विलम्ब होता है ।

(ii) लाल फीताशाही (Red Tapism):

पदसोपान प्रणाली से लाल फीताशाही व नौकरशाही को भी प्रोत्साहन मिलता है । प्रत्येक स्तर पर फाइल बंद पड़ी रहती है अथवा कई बार प्रक्रिया में या कार्य को आगे बढ़ाने में अनुचित व्यवधान डाला जाता है ।

(iii) पदाधिकारियों के मध्य दूरी (Distance between Officers):

पदसोपान प्रणाली का एक दोष यह है कि सर्वोच्च अधिकारी तथा निम्नतर स्तर के अधिकारियों के मध्य पर्याप्त दूरी बनी रहती है तथा उनकी बात या प्रार्थना विभिन्न स्तरों से गुजरने के बाद सर्वोच्च अधिकारी तक पहुँचती है । इस प्रकार प्रत्यक्ष सम्बन्धों का अभाव होने के कारण प्रशासन में ढिलाई की सम्भावना बनी रहती है ।

(iv) अपव्ययता (Extravagancy):

क्रमिक प्रक्रिया में प्रत्येक विभाग को कई स्तरों में विभाजित किया जाता है । एक विभाग के कई भाग होने से धन का अपव्यय होता है । इसके अतिरिक्त, सर्वोच्च पदाधिकारी विभाग के इन विभिन्न स्तरों के निरीक्षण हेतु समय-समय पर समितियाँ नियुक्त करता है जिससे कि धन का अपव्यय होता है ।

दोष दूर करने से सम्बन्धित सुझाव (Suggestions to Remove Demerits):

पदसोपान व्यवस्था का सर्वप्रमुख दोष अत्यधिक विलम्ब को माना गया है तथा इसके निराकरण हेतु अग्रलिखित सुझाव प्रस्तुत किए गए हैं:

(i) पदाधिकारियों का पारस्परिक समझौता (Mutual Agreement among the Officer Bearers):

विलम्ब के दोषों को दूर करने के लिए संगठन के विभिन्न अधिकारी एक-दूसरे से समझौता कर लें तथा कर्मचारियों को परस्पर मिलने की अनुमति प्रदान कर दें । इससे कार्य करने की कुशलता व क्षमता में वृद्धि होगी । इसके लिये निम्नतर अधिकारियों का विश्वसनीय होना आवश्यक है ।

(ii) सत्ता रूपी तटों के मध्य पुल-निर्माण (Bridging between Coasts of Authority):

पदसोपान व्यवस्था में निहित दोषों को दूर करने के लिए ‘फेयोल’ ने एक पुल-व्यवस्था प्रस्तुत की जिसे ‘गेंगप्लांक’ (Gangplank) का नाम दिया गया इसका अर्थ ‘स्तरों को लाँघना’ (Level Jumping) है ।

यह पुल दो प्रकार का हो सकता है:

(a) आड़ा (Horizontal) तथा

(b) तिरछा (Vertical), किन्तु फेयोल की यह पुल-व्यवस्था किन्हीं विशेष परिस्थितियों में ही लागू हो सकती है ।

कतिपय दोषों के बावजूद पदसोपान पद्धति के लाभों अथवा महत्व को नकारा नहीं जा सकता है । संगठन की सफलता के लिए इसे लागू करना आवश्यक है । सामान्य परिस्थितियों में पदसोपान प्रणाली को यथावत् अपनाना उपयुक्त होगा किन्तु किन्हीं विशेष परिस्थितियों में पुल निर्माण के द्वारा इस पद्धति को लागू करना औचित्यपूर्ण सिद्ध होगा ।


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Essay on Village Panchayats


Essay Contents:

  1. Essay on the Historical Development of Village Panchayat
  2. Essay on the Causes of Decay of the Ancient Institution
  3. Essay on the Objectives of Panchayati Raj Institutions
  4. Essay on the Pattern of Panchayat Organisation
  5. Essay on the System of Elections in Village Panchayats
  6. Essay on the Functions of Village Panchayats
  7. Essay on the Administration of Village Panchayats
  8. Essay on Critical Appraisal of the Working of the Panchayati Raj


Essay # 1. Historical Development of Village Panchayat:

We can be proud of the fact that the institution of village panchayat was “developed earliest and preserved longest in India among all the countries of the earth.” It is believed that the system was first introduced by King Prithu while colonizing the Doab between the Ganga and Jamuna. In fact, the village in India had been looked upon as the basic unit of administration as early as the Vedic Age. Gramini or the leader of the village is mentioned in the Rigveda. There are definite references to the existence of Gram Sanghas in the Shantiparva of the Mahabharat and Manu Smriti.

References to the Gram Sabhas or local village assemblies are found in the Jatakas also. Shreni was a well-known term for the merchant guilds. Kautilya who lived in 400 B. C. had also described these village communities in his Arthashastra. In his Valmiki Ramayana we hear of Janpada, which was a kind of federation of the numerous existence in this country at the time of Greek invasion; and Megasthenes has left vivid impression of these Pentads, as he termed the Panchayats.

Chinese travellers Hieuen Tsang and Fa Hien tell us how India at the time of their visits was very productive and the people were “flourishing and happy beyond compare.” An account of these panchayat during the 7th century is provided in Shukracharya’s Nitisara. According to him, “Village was a composite whole and provided a composite leadership of management of village affairs.

The Dharmsutras and the Shastras contain references to Gana and Puga, both of which denote some kind of village or town corporations. Archaeological findings also confirm the view that the system of village panchayats was prevalent in India through the centuries. These institutions continued to flourish during the Hindu, Muslim and Maratha Governments till the advent of the East India Company. They survived the wreck of dynasties and downfall of empires.”

“The independent development of local Government provided like the shell of the tortoise a heaven of peace where the national culture could draw in for its own safety when political storms burst over the land.” So said Mahatma Gandhi, “Long ago, how long history does not record, the Indian genius worked out the village and local panchayat. It remained our fort through many a turbulent period.

Kings and dynasties fought and failed, empires rose, ruled, misruled and disappeared, but the village’s life maintained its even tenor, away from the din of battle and the rush of rising and falling empires. We had a village state which protected the life and property and made civilized life possible.”

Even the Committee of the Secretary of E.I. Co. reported in 1812. “Under this simple form of municipal government, the inhabitants of the country have lived from time immemorial…. The inhabitants give themselves no trouble about the breaking up and division of kingdom; while the village remains entre, they care not to what power it is transferred or to what sovereign it devolves, its internal economy remains unchanged.”

Observed Sir Charles Trevellyn, “One foreign conqueror after another has swept over India but the village municipalities have stuck to the soil like their own kusha grass. Scythian, Greek, Saracen, Afghan, Mongol and others have come down from the mountains; and Portuguese, Dutch, French, English and Dane out of its seas and set up their successive dominations is the land but the religious trade union villages have remained as little affected by their coming going as a rock by the rising and falling of the tide.”

The village community has remained the basic unit of stability and strength. An ancient village has been described as a little republic, for each village was within its own limits autonomous and self-sufficient, governed by its own elected officers satisfying its own needs, providing for its own education, police, tribunals, all its economic necessities and functions, managing itself its own life as an independent; and self- governing unit.”

Sri Aurobindo observed, “The free organic life of the village was founded in the system of self-governing community and it was done with such sufficiency and solidity that it lasted down almost to our own days resisting all the wear and tear of time and the in road, of other systems and was only recently steamrolled out of existence by the ruthless and lifeless machinery of the British bureaucratic system.”

The attention of Karl Marx was also drawn to these Indian village republics. He writes in his Das Capital, “The small and extremely ancient Indian communities which still exist to some extent, are based upon the communal ownership of the land, upon a direct linking up of manual agricultural and handicraft and upon a fixed form of the division of labour which is adopted as cut and dried scheme whenever new communities are founded. They constitute self-sufficient productive entities, the area of land upon which production is carried on ranging from a hundred to several thousand acres. The greater part of the product is produced for the satisfaction of the immediate needs of the community, not as commodities; and production itself is, therefore, independent of the division of labour which the exchange of commodities has brought about in Indian society as well…………. In different regions of India we find different forms of such communities. In the simplest form the land is commonly tilled and its produce is divided among the members of the community, while every family carries on spinning, weaving as an accessory occupation. The simplicity of the productive organism in these self-sufficient communities…….. unlocks for us the mystery of the unchangeableness of Asiatic society, which contrasts so strongly with the perpetual dissolutions and reconstruction of Asiatic states, and with unceasing changes of dynasties. The structure of the economic elements of the society remains unaffected by the storms in the political weather.”

Sir Henry Maine pointed out, “Indian village community was a living and not dead institution and the Indian and the ancient European systems of village communities were, in all essential particulars, identical.” Dr. Altekar has opined. “From ancient most times, village in India have been the axle of administration. The position of towns in ancient Indian life was negligible.”

The village communities in India grew out of the unsettled and inchoate conditions of early tribes and their forms of social organisation. These bodies came into existence the earliest, and even at this early stage developed a high degree of organised functioning, and came to be the real bas
e upon which great ancient culture grew and prospered.

The Indian villages had evolved a well-balanced social, economic and political system by eschewing the two extremes of Iaissez faire and totalitarian control. They had developed an ideal form of co-operative agriculture and industry in which there was hardly any scope for spoliation of the poor by the rich. As Gandhiji has put it. The production was almost simultaneous with consumption and distribution, and the vicious circle of money-lender economy was conspicuous by its absence.

Production was for the immediate cause and not for distant markets. The whole social structure was founded on non-violence and fellow-feeling. The gram panchayats administered the village affairs either on its own responsibility or as an adjunct to the village headman or Patel.

It also administered justice and peace, maintained law and order by watch and ward, provided facilities for education, and public works such as election and maintenance of public buildings, roads, tanks, wells and the keeping of village tracts in order and providing all other common amenities, social and economic of the village life and collected and distributed charity to the needy and the poor.

It derived its finances from the rich and wealthy inhabitants of the village and from other donations. The labour for the works of public utility the village community could get from the village people. In this way it was self-sufficient and self-supporting having little to do with the outside world. In the past, indeed these panchayats played a very useful role in developing the village corporate life but unfortunately the advent of the British rule in India led to their decay and disappearance.


Essay # 2. Causes of Decay of the Ancient Institution:

An extreme anxiety to enhance the land revenue to its utmost limits induced the East India Company to make direct arrangements with every individual cultivator, instead of village community as a whole. An equally unreasonable anxiety to centralise all judicial and executive powers in their own hands led the British administrators to virtually set aside the village functionaries and thus deprive them of their age-long powers. These republics, therefore, fell into decay. This decay was further helped by a number of other factors.

The administration of the village by the agencies of the Central Government, the extension of the jurisdiction of the modern, civil and criminal courts of the towns, new land revenue system, increase in the means of communications, progress of education, police administration, migration of the best and ablest persons from the villages to the towns, the growing spirit of individualism and the break-up of the joint family system led to the decay and disintegration of so important an institution like the panchayats.

Thus, the self-sufficient nature of the old quasi-democratic rural policy was broken and consequently the village panchayats as a rural institution sank into insignificance. As R. C. Dutta remarked. “One of the saddest results of British rule in India is the effacement of that system of village self-government which was developed earliest and preserved longest in India amongst all the countries of the earth.”

“The old panchayats were informal affairs, not statutorily created but working on the basis of free will of the villagers. It met freely where and when it liked, was ignorant of the blessedness of odd numbers and decisions by majority, and was not accustomed to seeing its decision annulled by a petition sent over the heads of its members. Apparently oblivious of these failures and in their enthusiasm to lead on natives to self-rule, the British rulers passed orders and Acts for the development of self-governing institutions in the village.”

The Royal Commission on Decentralisation (1907):

In 1896 and 1897, the Government of India adopted resolutions on local self-government, but these completely ignored the villages. However, in 1907-8 the entire subject of the local self-government was considered by a Royal Commission on Decentralisation appointed by Edward VII. The Commission recognised that “throughout the greater part of India the village constitutes the primary territorial unit of Government organisation and from the villages are built up larger administrative entities.”

The report said, “These village formerly possessed a large degree of autonomy but this autonomy has now disappeared owing to the establishment of local, civil, criminal courts, the present revenue and police organisation, the increase of communication, the growth of individualism, the progress of education, and the operation of the individual raiyatwari system which is extending even in the north of India. Nevertheless the village remains the first unit of administration, the principal village functionaries—the headman, the accountant and the village watchman are largely utilised and paid by the Government and there is still a certain amount of common village feeling and interests.”

The Commission recommended that it would be desirable to constitute village panchayats for the administration of local village affairs. It further added that “the foundation may stable edifice, which shall associate the people with the administration must be the village, in which people are known to one another and have interest which converge on definite and well-recognised objects like water supply and sanitation.”

It visualised certain difficulties in the success of such an effort, like caste and religious disputes and factions so common in village life, or, in large estates the influence of the landlord which may prevent free action by the tenantry. It agreed that these difficulties are not insurmountable, and advise a gradual and cautious approach beginning from those villages in which circumstances are most favourable by reason of homogeneity.

The Commission recommended that:

(1) The panchayats should be entrusted with these functions:

(i) Civil and criminal jurisdiction of petty cases;

(ii) Village sanitation and expenditure on certain minor works;

(iii) Construction and maintenance of schools and some local control in respect of school management;

(iv) Selected panchayats to be given the management of small fuel and fodder reserves;

(v) Management of village cattle pounds and of markets of purely local importance.

(2) The work of panchayat should be free from interference by the lower government subordinates.

(3) The panchayats should not be placed under District or sub-district Boards. All matters relating to the appointment and removal of village officers should be dealt with by the S.D.O. and there should be no appeal from his orders beyond the collector.

(4) The panchayats should not involve fresh taxation.

Its revenue should be derived from these sources;

(i) Special grants,

(ii) The land cess;

(iii) The receipts from village cattle pounds or markets which may be entrusted to its management, and

(iv) Small fees on civil suits filed before it.

The recommendations were implemented in a half-hearted manner. However, the Government issued a resolution on the local self-government in May, 1915, indicating the general principles about local self-government.

Montague-Chelmsford Reforms and After:

With the transference of power to the local self-governments following the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms in 1919—legislations on village panchayats were passed. Thus, there were passed the Madras Panchayat Act, XV of 1920; the Bombay Village Panchayat Act. IX of 1920 ; the Bengal Self-Government Act, V of 1919 ; the U.P. Panchayat Act, VI of 1920, the Punjab Panchayat Act, III of 1922 ; the Bihar Self-Government Act, V of 1920 ; the M.P. Panchayat Act, V of 1920 ; and the Assam Self-Government Act of 1925.

Some princely States also enacted legislation in this direction in subsequent years, Mysore (1926), Baroda (1926), Indore (1920), Cochin (1919), and Bikaner (1928).

Development of after Independence:

One of the Directive Principles (Article 40) of the Indian Constitution says that “the State shall take steps to organise village panchayats and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to work as units of Self-government.” Panchayati Raj comprehend both the democratic institutions and the extension services through which the development Programmes are executed.

With the dawn of freedom, the method of involving people in their own welfare in a democratic state was developed. This involvement manifested itself in the participation of the people in the selection of their representatives in the legislature of the states and the Parliament. But this step was rather insufficient.

Hence, states started through legislation to renew the old concept of gram Panchayats and Gram Sabhas so that peoples’ involvement in their affairs at the grass roots can be started. This approach was reflected in the first Plan document which referred to the need of “establishing over a period of years panchayats for villages or groups of villages.”

The Plan said “we believe that the panchayats will be able to perform its civic functions satisfactorily only if these are associated with an active process of development in which the village panchayat is itself given an effective part. Unless a village agency can assume responsibility and initiative for developing the resources of the village, it will be difficult to make a marked impression on rural life, for only a village organisation representing the community as a whole can provide the necessary leadership. As the agencies of the State Government cannot easily approach each individual villager separately progress depends largely on the existence of an active organisation in the village which can bring the people into common programmes to be carried out with the assistance of the administration.”

The concept of village Panchayats was added on by the Community Development Programmes started in 1952. Alongwith this concept it was felt necessary to build up an administrative system which can tackle the welfare problems of growth at the local level. Hence N.E.S. followed the C.D.P.

But it was soon realised that the public involvement was not representative enough and as such not effective. This was reflected in the Second Plan document which emphasised on the necessity for speeding up the development of democratic institutions within a district in which Panchayats would be organically linked with popular organisations at higher levels.

The Second Five Year-Plan observed. “The development of village panchayats on the right lines has significance for several reasons, under the impact of new developments, including the growth of population, land reform, urbanisation, spread of education, increase in production and improvements in communications. Village society is in a state of rapid transition. In emphasising the interest of the community as a whole and in particular the needs of those section which are at present handicapped in various ways, village Panchayats alongwith co-operatives, can play a considerable part in bringing about a more just and integrated social structure in rural areas and in developing a new pattern of rural leadership.”

The Third Five Year Plan, laid down that Panchayati Raj Institutions should promote the development of co-operatives and should endeavour to create a climate of community effort and social responsibility such as are vital for the successful working of co-operatives at all levels.

In the Conference of State Minister, of Panchayats held at Hyderabad in 1961, it was decided that promotion of co-operation will be one of the ten point tests of Panchayati Raj.

The Conference suggested the following criteria for measurement of success in this direction; “Panchayati Raj institutions should take steps for promoting and strengthening service co-operatives within their areas as agricultural production plans can be implemented only if credit and supplies are provided by co-operatives. Revitalisation of service co-operatives should be an important task………. It should be the primary responsibility of the Panchayati Raj institutions to promote the fulfilment of the following in a progressively increasing measure so that ultimately every family is enabled to become a member, in its own right, of the village co-operative- (i) coverage of village co-operatives ; (ii) coverage of rural families by co-operatives ; (iii) total volume of credit given by co-operatives ; (iv) improvement in recoveries and overdues ; (v) supplies and services made available by co-operatives ; (vi) volume of produce market through co-operatives ; (vii) volume of product processed through co-operatives ; (viii) organisation of artisans into co-operatives ; (ix) increase in share capital and deposits of co-operatives and small savings : (x) progress in giving loans against production plans.”

During the Fourth Five Year Plan, significant developments took place with respect to enactment and implementation of Panchayati Raj Acts in different States. For instance, Zila Parishads were abolished in Orissa, Karnataka and Haryana states. Similarly, the Zila Parishads in U.P. were suspended in 1970 for two years. In Assam, a new Act was enacted.

The Government of Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, M.P., and Gujarat got the working of Panchayati Raj examined…………….. From the experience of the functioning of these agencies in various states it could be said that by and large status quo had been maintained with regard to their functioning in states like Punjab, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Karnataka, Rajasthan, and Haryana, the powers concerning control over the junior staff of the Panchayat samitis, ceiling an expenditure and execution of minor programmes have been withdrawn. In several states, the elections to these institutions are not being regularly held.

In the Fifth Five Year Plan, it has been recognised that rural development should include agricultural development in its widest sense so as to embrace, besides crop production, all its allied activities. Such integrated type of development would be possible only through co-operation and participation of the people. It could be secured by strengthening the Panchayati Raj Institutions at various levels.

It would be necessary to review the size and viability of gram panchayats, and panchayat samiti and zila parishad. It would be desirable that, the panchayats are entrusted with the implementations of specific programmes. Efforts will have to be made to attract institutional finance for augmenting the resources of panchayati raj bodies. It is also essential to lay down norms and criteria for viable panchayats.

Implementation of the Scheme:

In January 1957 a Study Team, under the Chairmanship of Shri Balwantrai Mehta, was appointed to examine the C.D. Programme. It realised the necessity of democratic decentralization of
administration so as to create institutions of democratic administration at the village block and the district level. According to this Committee, “It is very necessary that there should be devaluation of power and decentralisation of machinery and that such power should be exercised and such machinery controlled and directed by popular representatives of the local area.”

The Mehta Team reported, Development cannot progress without responsibility and power. C.D. can be real only when the community understands its problems, realises its responsibilities, exercises the necessary powers through its chosen representatives and maintains a constant and intelligent vigilance in local administration.

With this objective, we recommend an early establishment of statutory electric local bodies and devolution to them of the necessary resources, power and authority. It further said that “the basic unit of democratic decentralization should be located at the block samiti level.” It contemplated just an advisory role for the district tier.

Panchayati Raj, has been conceived as the process of democratic decentralization embodying all institutions of local self-government. The Committee felt that the poor record of the existing local self-governing institutions was due to the inadequate power given to them and woeful lack of funds at their disposal.

It, therefore, recommended a three-tier system of decentralisation. At the grass roots in the villages were to be formed village Panchayats, in the middle were to be Panchayat samitis at the block level and at the apex, zila parishads, were to be at the district level. These new bodies were to have wide powers and adequate finance.

The inter-linked three-tier structure—Gram Sabhas and Panchayats at the village level, Panchayat Samities at the block level and Zila Parishads as the district level—was brought into existence, after the Balwantray Committee Scheme was approved by the National Development Council in January 1958. The N.D.C. affirmed “the objectives in introducing democratic institutions at the district and block levels and suggested that each State should work out the structure which suited its conditions best.”

With this a beginning was made with Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh in 1959. Followed by Assam, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka in 1960, Maharashtra in 1962, and Gujarat and West Bengal in 1963 and 1964 respectively. Bihar and M.P. enacted the relevant legislation in 1962.

No rigid institutional pattern was laid down for the Panchayati Raj set-up.

Every State was free to work out the details of its own pattern, in the light of the local conditions and requirements subject to certain fundamentals which are:

(i) A three-tier structure of local self-governing bodies from the village to the district, the bodies being organically linked up;

(ii) Genuine transfer of power and responsibility to them;

(iii) Adequate resources should be transferred to these bodies to discharge the responsibilities devolving on them; and

(iv) The system evolved should be such as will facilitate further devaluation and dispersal of power and responsibility in the future.

The village panchayats are the elected bodies of the people. All adults from Gram Sabhas vote to elect panchayats. The village Panchayats send their elected representatives to Block Panchayat Samitis which functions as a link between the village panchayats and the Zila Parishads. The Samiti elects its President and Vice-President. At the district level, Zila Parishads are constituted by the President of Panchayat Samitis alongwith the M.Ps. and M.L.As. in the district.

Each district is divided into blocks, each of which covers certain Panchayat areas. In the Zila Parishad, the Collector and the technical departments of the Government offer guidance and assistance to the Block Panchayat Samitis, These Samitis are autonomous. In short, peoples’ representatives at all levels—centre, states, district, block and village—are associated with the Panchayati Raj.


Essay # 3. Objectives

of Panchayati Raj Institutions:

The basic objective of P.R.I, is to grant recognition of the organic inter-connection between rural development effort and popular support.

The principal objectives as given in the Third Year Plan are:

(i) Increasing agricultural production;

(ii) Development of rural industries;

(iii) Fostering co-operative institutions;

(iv) Full utilisation of local man-power and other resources—physical and financial—available to the panchayats;

(v) Assisting the economically weaker sections of the village community.

(vi) Progressive dispersal of authority and initiative, with special emphasis on the role of voluntary organisation; and

(vii) Fostering cohesion and encouraging the spirit of self-help within the community.

The Panchayati Raj now covers practically the entire country. Except for Pondicherry, Lakshadweep the village panchayats extend to all parts of India. The higher tiers of Panchayati Raj bodies have been established in all states except M.P., Jammu and Kashmir and Kerala.

As on March 31, 1977, there were 222,055 gram panchayats as against 219,892 in 1973-74 ; and 117,593 in 1955-56. These covered 585,438 villages in 1976-77 as against 544,355 in 1973-74, covering 98.9% of the rural population (294131 lakhs) as against 97% (4068 lakhs in 1973-74). The average number of villages per gram panchayat was 2.84 and the average population per gram panchayat was 1995. For 1973-74, the respective number was 2.5 and 1,850.

Besides there were 4028 Panchayat Samities and 262 Zila Parishad as against 3863 and 201 in 1973-74.


Essay # 4. Pattern of Panchayat Organisation:

The pattern of village Panchayats varies from State to State. In a number of States, Gaon Sabhas or (Gram Sabhas) have been established in every village serving a population of 1,000 or more. In areas where there are no villages with 3 miles radius of a particular village, a separate Gaon Sabha is established for such a village even though the population of that village is less than 1,000.

If the villages are close by, they are combined to form only one Panchayat, even if the population is above 5,000 e.g., there is a Gaon Sabha in every village or group of villages with a population of 1,000 in U.P., of which all the adult members residing in the area are life-time members. There are about 36,000 Gaon Sabhas in U.P., while in Tamil Nadu Panchayats are to be formed for every revenue village or group of villages with a population of 1,000.

Here two kinds of Panchayats are formed—Class I in villages with a population of 5,000 and an estimated revenue of Rs. 10,000. In M.P. formation of Panchayats is split up into three stages. First for every village with a population of 1,000- second for villages with a population between 500 and 1,000 and third, for villages with a population below 500. The principle adopted is one panchayat for one village. In Maharashtra it is obligatory on the Government to establish village Panchayats with a population of 2,000 and above.

For this purpose two or three villages may be combined. There is no Panchayat for village with a population of less than 1,000. In Punjab Panchayats are formed for a village or group of villages with a populat
ion of 500. In Bihar, Panchayats are formed of a village or groups of villages with a population of 4,000 in the northern and southern districts and 2,500 in the Chota Nagpur region.

In Bengal, Panchayats are formed in villages with a population between 500 and 10,000, whereas in Orissa they are established in compact, selected areas with a population ranging from 5,000 to 10,000. In Mysore panchayats are established in a village with a population between 2,000 and 5,000; in Rajasthan the limit is a population of 5,000. But now they have been reconstituted so that each Panchayat will have a population of 1,500 to 2,000.

In certain other states, the panchayat raj is administered in two or three tiers, viz., Gram Panchayat, Kendra Panchayat and Mandal Panchayat. At the lowest level, the primary Panchayats or gram Panchayats are given certain municipal function- Kendra Panchayats or the combination of a certain number of gram Panchayats besides these are also given certain administrative functions as well; and the marital Panchayats at the district levels (which combine a few Kendra Panchayats) are given such functions as management of schools, dispensaries and hospitals.

In still certain other states, nyaya or Adalti (Judicial) Panchayats are established by combining a few gram panchayats and establishing one court for all of them. In some other states, the State Government specifies the local limits and jurisdiction of each grain Sabha or the panchayat, which in other Panchayats which cater for a population of more than thousand are divided into wards. Panchayats have as many as five or six wards and cater for a population of 5 to 6 thousand persons.

Nyaya Panchayats are functioning in all the States except Assam, Andhra, Tamil Nadu, parts of Karnataka, Kerala, West Bengal and Nagaland.


Essay # 5. The System of Elections in Village Panchayats:

Election to the village bodies is direct and based on adult franchise by show of hands. The executive bodies of the Gaon Sabha constitutes the gaon panchayat. The number of members ranges from 30 to 51. Seats are reserved for the minority community and scheduled castes. Seats are allotted to each constituency in proportion to its population.

In Tamil Nadu elections to Class I Panchayats are held by secret ballot based on adult franchise, while to Class II are held by show of hands. In Maharashtra the Panches are elected through secret ballot based on adult franchise. The area of the village panchayats is divided into wards each of which elects one or more members. If the required number is not returned within 8 weeks, the Standing Committee of the District Board will appoint the required number of persons.

The Sarpanch is elected by members from among their own number. In Punjab, too, the election is held by secret ballot and the number of Panches varies from 5 to 9. Sarpanch is elected by the panches. While in Bihar the Mukhiya is elected without contest, and panches are elected by secret ballot. The Executive Committee is nominated by the Mukhiya. Their number varies between 7 and 15.

In West Bengal the panches are elected at a general meeting of voters by show of hands. In Orissa all panchayats are formed on the basis of adult franchise and members are elected by secret ballot. The Sarpanch is elected by the Panches. In Karnataka the members are elected on the basis of adult franchise either by secret ballot or by show of hands. Members below 25 years of age cannot contest.

The number of members of a Panchayat varies from 10 and 20 in proportion to the population of the unit. In Rajasthan elections are held on the basis of adult suffrage by show of hands. Panchayat circle is divided into wards and each ward returns one member. The Sarpanch is elected by the entire electorate of the village.

It will thus be seen that panchayats are elected by Gram Sabhas consisting of entire adult population of the village.

The size of the village panchayat in terms of average number of villages and rural population per panchayat varies from one state to another, the number of villages in a panchayat being as high as 29.7 in Assam, 8.3 in Himachal Pradesh and 13.3 in Orissa. The average in Kerala, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Punjab and U.P. is between 2 and 5 villages.

In terms of population Assam tops the list, with nearly 19,474 people per panchayat, followed by Kerala with (19,403); Orissa with 5,242, In Bihar (4.706) Jammu and Kashmir. (2.463) and W. Bengal (1,678) Rajasthan (2.905). M.P. (2.262), in Andhra (2,299) and Tamil Nadu (2.542) Gujarat (1,632) Maharashtra (1.503), In U.P. it is (1043).

There are variations also amongst panchayats in each state. In Tamil Nadu and Karnataka Panchayats with a population of 5,000 and with an annual income of over Rs 10,000 have been classified as town panchayats and in Andhra Pradesh as notified panchayats. In Gujarat village panchayats with a population of over 10,000 and not exceeding 30,000 are known as nagar panchayats. Such classification is useful as these panchayats are in the nature of semi-municipalities and can afford adequate administrative staff.


Essay # 6. Functions of Village Panchayats:

The functions of panchayats in different states have a similarity though their enumeration and classification varies considerably. They are both obligatory and discretionary. For example, in Tamil Nadu they have been divided into 8 obligatory and 10 discretionary heads and in Andhra Pradesh 12 obligatory and 27 discretionary. In Punjab, 27 functions have been made obligatory and 7 discretionary. In Maharashtra, Kerala, Karnataka, Rajasthan and U.P. a large number of functions under each head, like agriculture, animal husbandly, education, health etc., have been listed.

(i) Obligatory Functions:

Opening and maintenance of burial grounds ; maintenance and improvement of public streets ; drains, lighting, medical relief ; taking curative and preventive measures in epidemic; maintenance and construction of public latrines, registration of births and deaths, sanitation and conservancy; organisation of melas and fairs and management and care of common grazing grounds ; provisions of primary education ; water supply, etc.

(ii) Discretionary Functions:

Plantation of trees; improving the breed of cattle; organisation of village volunteer force for watch and ward of the village and the crops; development of co-operation and land reforms; promotion and improvement of cottage industries; relief against famine; construction of new bridges, dharamshalas and culverts, wells and ponds; improvement in sanitation, veterinary and medical facilities; maintaining libraries and reading rooms ; establishment and maintenance of child welfare centres; control and management of village forests; organisation, supervision and control of rural development or multipurpose co-operative societies; filling in of insanitary pits; establishment of improved seed and implement stores; maintenance of standard schools and hospitals, crop experiments etc.

(iii) They also collect taxes, cesses, fees and other dues for the government; regulate dangerous trades and practices; organise recreational and social functions and take-up any other work of public utility.

(iv) Economic Functions:

In addition to the useful functions enumerated above, some of the panchayats have also been allotted functions of an economic nature like land reforms, promotion of co-operation, consolidatio
n of holdings, collection of vital statistics and maintenance of land records.

(v) Other Functions:

They have been very useful in certain other spheres of services, too, e.g. they have been of special service for maintaining, dispensaries in villages as in West Bengal; for supplying electricity and for enforcing a Town Planning Act in rural areas of Tamil Nadu; for spreading adult education in Rajasthan, U.P., M.P. and Assam; for introducing agricultural improvements in the Punjab and Karnataka for giving effect to social legislation such as the Marriage Registration Act, the Marriage Expenses Controlling Act in M.P. for developing village libraries, provisions of rural water supply and planting of trees in Rajasthan.

(vi) Judicial Functions and Nyaya Panchayats:

Besides, these functions, some of the village panchayats have also been entrusted with judicial powers. These relate to the trial of civil suits for money due on contracts, recovery of movable property or its value. Their powers of punishment are limited to the imposition of moderate fines and they employ simple and summary procedure for the disposal of cases. They have also been given limited powers under the Civil Procedure Code.


Essay # 7. Administration of Village Panchayats

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In all States, adequate provision is made in the Act for the control of panchayats. In judicial matters its functions are controlled by a competent authority with power to quash its proceedings to sense its decisions, to withdraw or transfer cases to the higher courts and in the last resort to cancel the jurisdiction or to supersede it.

The administrative control of the panchayat is in some cases entrusted to the Government agency from a Tahsildar to the Collector or Commissioner. While in others to superior local bodies like the local or district boards e.g., in U.P. the District Magistrate, the District or Planning Officer and Assistant District Panchayat Officer exercise powers of supervision and control over the working of Panchayats.

The District magistrate has the power to suspend any member of a gaon on Nyaya Panchayat if he has failed to discharge his duties properly; while in Tamil Nadu there is a separate department of the government, viz., the Inspector of municipal councils and local boards and regional inspector to supervise and co-ordinate the administration of all the panchayats, district boards and municipalities in the State.

In M.P. janapada sabhas have been established and they are responsible for the efficient and proper working of the panchayats. Supervision and control over them also vests in the janapada sabhas. The directorate of social welfare is responsible for the proper working of panchayats who can recommend to government for suppression of panchayats for their negligence and inefficiency.

In Maharashtra there is no separate department exclusively for village panchayats but there is a separate local self-government department for all local bodies. The district collector checks and supervises the activities of the panchayats. He has powers to dissolve or supersede a panchayat and appoint an administrator. In the Punjab there is a separate panchayat department. There are also district boards in rural areas and there is every co-operation with panchayats.

In Bihar the district magistrate, the district judge and the sub-divisional magistrate have powers to inspect the judicial records of the kutchery; while a gazetted officer or chairman of the district board can inspect the office of the gram panchayats. In each district there is a panchayat officer. In West Bengal, as panchayats are not statutory, government do not exercise the control over sanction of expenditure from revenue on account of welfare schemes.

The local self-government Department of the government looks after the existing panchayats and the district magistrate ensures that election of panchayat members is held according to executive orders of the government. In Rajasthan, there is a separate panchayat department.

The chief panchayat officer works under the direct supervision and control of the Government, the supervision and control of the activities of the panchayats vest in the local self-government department. The panchayat department possesses powers of superseding a panchayat. It is superseded only in case of incompetency, default of abuse of power.

A bird’s eye view of how Panchayati Raj Institution have fared in some states would provide valuable insight into the structural and operational aspect of Panchayati Raj it may be stated as a general provision that in a country of India’s size and diversity, certain awareness in performance is inevitable. Historical vicissitudes further complicate the picture. Structure and functions have been changing over the years.

In Assam, there have been shifts in the ties and functions assigned, the prevalent ones are Mokhuma Parishad at the sub-divisional level and the panchayat with a population of well over 15,000. In Andhra Pradesh, the Zila Parishads, endowed with limited executive functions, have shown encouraging results in areas like education; the performance of Panchayat Samitis too has been noticeable. In Bihar, the Zila Parishads were introduced only in 8 districts, but were soon given up.

In Rajasthan which, with Andhra Pradesh, was the first to introduce Panchayati Raj the samiti ties worked with enthusiasm in the initial phase. Tamil Nadu and Karnataka do not have the Zila Parishad, in the sense of a body endowed with executive functions, but the Samitis/Taluka Board there, have done well, the performance of the Samitis in Tamil Nadu in regard to education, water supply, roads and nutrition has received wide appreciation.

In Kerala, where there were only village Panchyats but of a size which could amount to half a block, the working has been extremely satisfactory in the field of many municipal and civic functions, it worth noting that, in spite of different political parties being represented on the elected body, there was the needed harmony in implementing the programmes assigned to them as also in monitoring certain development projects.

In Uttar Pradesh, a large number of small Panchayats were set up together with Zila Parishads with very limited powers. They could not achieve much owing to extreme paucity of powers and resources. In Madhya Pradesh, the Act embodying the scheme of democratic decentralizations, was sought to be implemented in a piecemeal manner; an approach that proved counter productive.

As far as West Bengal is concerned, it has weaned away from what seemingly was a four tiered structure to a three tiered one with large Gram Panchayats. Deviating from the Balvantray Mehta report, three tier structure with the first point of decentralization at the district level, was organized in Maharashtra and Gujarat and it has functioned effectively particularly in the field of decentralized planning and development. The District councils in North Eastern India have featured which are worth studying.


Essay # 8. Critical Appraisal of the Working of the Panchayati Raj

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Beneficial Effects:

Panchayati Raj Institutions have involved in programme planning, in supply and distribution of agricultural inputs, farm equipments (such as tractors, sprayers, pump sets) constructed tanks bandharas, sma
ll embankments and other minor irrigation works established school and primary health centres ; constructed roads, and provided drinking water supplies ; provided subsidies on seeds and pesticides where new varieties are being introduced ; encouraged the use of improved agricultural practices through demonstrations ; organised crop competitions and collected taxes to the tune of Rs. 40.00 crores in 1976-77.

The Survey entitled “Awareness of C.D. in Village India,” (1966) carried out by the National Institute of C.D., Hyderabad, has stated that “the system of decentralised democracy had fostered the emergence of new leadership in the rural areas and that the elected representatives were generally better than old; traditional leaders. Social welfare and increased agricultural production were the most important purposes served by Panchayati Raj.”

The Survey further added that “the most heartening finding has been that it has found a niche in the minds of rural people. The leadership of Panchayati Raj bodies at the block and district levels has thrown up new challenges to the political elite operating at the State and Central levels.”

Under favourable conditions Panchayati Raj Institutions have encouraged the intelligence, self-reliance, initiative and social sense of free men by placing the ultimate responsibility for government on the citizen themselves. It makes authority a trust, ensures equal consideration for all and thus makes for a just social order. Panchayati Raj has done this to a considerable extent and can do much more.

Asoka Mehta Committee has observed “It will be wrong to think that Panchayati Raj should be viewed as a god that has failed. It has many achievements to its credit, the more important of these are- Politically speaking, it becomes a process of democratic seed drilling in the Indian soil making an average citizen more conscious of his rights than before. Administratively speaking, it bridged the gulf between the bureaucratic elite and the people. Socio-culturally speaking, it generated a new leadership which was not merely relatively young in age but also modernistic and pro-social change in outlook. Finally, looked at from the developmental angle, it helped rural people cultivate a development psyche.”

However, the common theme of the reviews and studies undertaken has been not that the Panchayati Raj system has failed but that it could be made more effective.

Weaknesses of the System:

Certain deficiencies do exist in the working of the system.

Among these may be mentioned the following as the most important:

(1) There is to be found factions among the villagers which make the common acceptance of the decision of the panchayat impossible. Faction also makes it impossible for a common mind to develop within the panchayat and decisions are coloured by the faction’s interests of the members.

(2) Lack of proper leadership in the village so that the panchayat becomes a tool in the hands of irresponsible elements in the village population. No respect is possible to develop among the villagers for an institution which is so abused.

(3) Too much political interference in the work of the development functionaries has distributed the development work and prevented qualified and competent persons from coming forward to work in these institutions. The emerging semi-enlightened local leadership considers positions in the panchayats as more a matter of prestige, patronage and power than of service to the community.

There has been interference in every party matter of administration by the elected leaders converting every development scheme into an opportunity to distribute favours among the members of their own casts, class and group. Political interference has been felt in the matters of location of service agencies. It has been expected that panchayati raj would primarily be a development mechanism and make up for the shortfalls of the community development programme…… In practice it has emerged as a power mechanism.

(4) The fruits of developments, whatever achieved so far have not been equitably distributed among the rural people. They have all been pocketed by a few well-off, landed and normally high caste inter-related families in each village. The weakest and the loneliest and the last has remained in the same conditions as even before. Instead of preparing the ground for social equality and justice, these institutions have institutionalized injustice, favouritism and factionalism in life.

(5) The objective of the promoters of PRI to transfer effective authority to elected local institutions and to use them as effective instruments for rural developments, seems to have been frustrated. In fact one finds that “the old myth of collectors responsibility for any and every function of government in the district has not only been retained but also further reinforced”. This has reduced the role of PRI to the minimum, in developing rural areas, convening them into mere agents of State Government.

(6) Panchayats are often under the overpowering influence of the big landlords or moneylenders in the village and, therefore, fail to inspire confidence among the majority of peasants in the village. Further, the powers that are parted with by the state governments in favour of the village panchayats with a view to training the villagers in the art of self-government are always usurped by this small group. The interests of the small minority are served at the cost of the needy majority.

Thus, the main ideal of democratic training and exercise of local power for the benefit of the people gets frustrated. Instances have been common where the subsidies given for the village roads or sanitation were spent on the roads in front of the houses of this small group or in the sanitary and ugly sports only near them were attended to while the rest of the village was neglected.

Sometimes the funds disappear altogether but the villager cannot dare to ask the explanation of the small group. The villager is loath to court trouble on account of the very scant protection given to him by the distant Central Government and also because he is lost in toil and care for his daily bread.

(7) The financial resources of the panchayats are very merger so that they can never hope to look after even the elementary functions assigned to them. Government subsidies go only a little way towards removing this want. Some local works have to be left out on account of their heavy cost inspite of their urgent necessity.

Shortage of financial resources has adversely affected their performance in the field of development. “Slowly members of these bodies have come to realise that they have very little scope for decision making or administrative innovation and this has resulted in progressive loss of interest in planning and development and greater concentration upon petty administration matters such as posting and transfers or grant of licences or contracts.”

(8) Village production plans are nothing but paper plans casually prepared by the V.L. Ws. in consultation with a couple of village elders and the Sarpanch of the village panchayat. No serious attempt has been made to prepare an authentic village production plan incorporating production targets for each crop and for every family in the village.

The Fourth National Convention of the All-India Panchayati Raj (Bangalore, 1964) observed that, “the progress of the movement of democratic decentralisation is painfully slow and there has been a lack of promptitude in the implementation of plans. Lukewarm interest shown by the people, casteism and communalism, poor leadership, unwillingness of panchayats to impose taxes, lack
of self-reliance and increasing dependence on state governments, bickering and factionalism, corruption and manipulation of accounts, continuation of the old district board attitude, emphasis on desk at the cost of the real field work, bureaucratic approach and lack of guidance from superior authorities, and the habit of the Panches to ignore people are some of the causes explaining the unsatisfactory state of affairs.”


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[PDF] Classification of Political Theories on the Basis of Scientificity

As there is not one general theory of politics, many formulations or theoretical constructions are claiming to be the prospective modern or scientific political theory. For rapid and proper development of modern political theory, these analytical formulations passing for ‘theory’ should be classified, studied, and analysed. There are several bases of classification of theories.

On the basis of scientificity or scienceness, theories can be scien­tific or non-scientific. Scientific theories are value-free and use scientific method and techniques. Some theories deal with specific segments of political process. With this view, Stephen Bailey has divided them as (a) descriptive and explanatory theories which deal with ‘what’ and ‘why’ of the problem; and (b) normative or idealistic theories which discuss ‘ought’, ‘good’, ‘good life’, ‘human values’, ‘ideal-society’ etc. There are theories related to anticipated conditions and probabilities – they deal with prior conditions, or make predictions. The instrumental theories bring out ‘how’, ‘when’, and ‘where’ of the problems.

Other criteria of classification are time-order, generality, scope, and structure. Older theories that came up before the emergence of behavioural revolution are usually called as traditional or conventional political theories. Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Mill, Hegel, Marx etc., have contributed to this category. Most of the modern political theories have come up after the Second World War. Prominent among modern political theorists include David Easton, Lasswell, Karl W. Deutsch, Herbert A. Simon, Gabriel A. Almond, Coleman, Powell etc.

W.J.M. Mackenzie has classified all old and new theories on the basis of their generality:

(a) Overarching, grand or meta-theories, such as:

(i) Marxist;

(ii) liberal or radical democratic;

(iii) pertaining to natural law;

(iv) Parson’s structural-functionalism;

(v) David Easton’s systems theory;

(vi) Oakshott’s idealism, and,

(vii) economists’ theory of particularistic interdependence.

Among them, the first three are old ones, and the rest have been developed during modern times. These theories have ample generality, but suffer from lack of validity.

(b) Partial theories which deal with a part or segment of political life, such as,

(i) communi­cation theory,

(ii) game and mathematical theories,

(iii) decision-making theory,

(iv) organisation theory,

(v) power theory etc.

The second category theories try to maintain a balance between generality and validity. Robert K. Merton calls them as ‘middle range’ theories.

From the view point of scope, Easton divides them as:

(i) Empirical generalisations,

(2) Middle-range theory, and

(3) General theory.

Empirical generalisations relate two or more concepts under a generalised statement. If their relationship is supported by observational evidence, the generali­sation is accepted as ‘true’ or ‘adequate’. The middle-range theory explains a particular aspect of political process, e.g., theories pertaining to psychology of voting behaviour. Sometimes it becomes difficult to draw out a dividing line between the middle-range and the general theories. General theories deal with the whole structure or process of political reality.

Easton presents such a ‘theory’ (actually a conceptual framework or a theoretical paradigm) useful for the integration of the whole discipline, and analysis of political systems An ideal theoretical structure contains axioms, calculus, and precise definitions. In other words, the set of generalisations therein is well-knit or closely structured. But in actual practice, such high-order relationship among generalisations of an empirical theory is usually not available.

Under that ideal, relationship among generalisations can be of three types:

(i) Functional relationship pertains to association between two or more functions or their variables, for example, increase of education and increase of cognition. When they do not relate to specific structures, their relationship cannot be regarded as structured or stable.

(ii) Causal relationship is usually definite and more structured, but it may not be empirically observed or proved logically. In social sciences, causality in practice becomes association between variables. For example, at a particular level of stagnant economy, excessive increase in population leads to increase in poverty and consequent inequality. Such relationship is established in the form of a rule or generalisation.

(iii) Tendency relationship is often in the form of probabilistic claims. They are regarded as weak forms of generalisations. At the present stage of development, political theory contains mostly this type of generalisa­tions. Factor theory contains such tendency statements. As they do not portray probability in concrete terms or as an empirical phenomenon, one cannot use them in making comparison.

Eugene J. Meehan, adopting explanatory attributes, defines a theory as ‘a set of generalisation, or a set of generalisations, that explains general statements, or explains other theories.’ For him, theory is an explanatory device or apparatus. To be more specific, a theory is an engine for selection of facts, and for their symbolic storage, and for making probable predictions.

An open theory undertakes search for new facts, as well as selection or rejection of old ones, reformulating, even replacing, existing theories. As a scientific theory, it would remain testable or verifiable by empirical evidence. Such explanatory theories can be (a) universal, (b) probabilistic, or (c) in the form of tendency statements.

Apart from the theories mentioned above, others come under the category of ‘quasi-theories’ which lack explanatory power. They can be considered as theoretical structures, but remain deficient in explaining phenomena such as classification-schemes or typologies, dichotomies, or analogies.

Meehan has not considered the under-mentioned theoretical presentations as explanatory theory:

(1) Definitions, even if they are presented as a set of concatenated state­ments, e.g., as in game theory.

(2) List of factors, if they are not consistent and operational within the framework of a theory, e.g., information provided by census and statistics departments.

(3) Approaches are, in fact, attempts to make a theory, or at the most they can be regarded as partial theories, e.g., power theory or group theory.

(4) Models, usually, are more than classification schemes and represent variables observed in a particular phenomenon or event. However, they do not bring out any generalisation, proposition, or theory, e.g., Anthony Downs’ An Economic Theory of Democracy.

(5) Speculation is Utopian by nature and woven around some abstract, unconfirmed and even impractical notions, e.g., Karl Popper’s The Poverty of Historicism.

Easton, in order to develop a general theory, has classified the various forms of theory:

(1) From the point of view of the discipline’s boundary, a theory can be inside or outside.

(2) On the basis of its scope or subject-matter, it can be ‘micro’ or ‘macro’.

(3) From functional viewpoint, it may be,

(i) static,

(ii) dynamic,

(iii) time-structured,

(iv) processual,

(v) individualistic,

(vi) systemic, and

(vii) pertaining to comparative systems.

(4) On the basis of structural consistency, it can be a well-organised, close-knit and inter-related set of propositions or definitions or otherwise.

(5) Hierarchy or levels can also be the ground of classification, as (i) single generalisations or singular statements, (ii) intermediate, and (iii) broad-gauge or systemic theories. Easton is particularly concerned with the last category which de
als with the whole subject-matter.

It again can be subdivided in the form of two broad approaches: (a) allocative theories, such as, power or decision-making theories, the concept of equilibrium in the group theories of Bentley and Truman, and Lasswell’s distributive approach; and (a) general approaches, again sub-classified as (i) functional analysis, and (ii) systems analysis.

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[PDF] Sovereignty: Meaning and Characteristics of Sovereignty

Meaning:

The term “Sovereignty” has been derived from the Latin word “Superanus” which means supreme or paramount. Although the term “Sovereignty” is modern yet the idea of “Sovereignty” goes back to Aristotle who spoke of the “supreme power of the state”. Throughout the middle Ages the Roman jurists and the civilians kept this idea in their mind and frequently employed the terms “Summa” potestas and “Plenitudo potestatis” to designate the supreme power of the state.

The terms “Sovereign” and “Sovereignty” were first used by the French jurists in the fifteenth century and later they found their way into English, Italian and German political literature. The use of the term “Sovereignty” in Political Science dates back to the publication of Bodin’s “The Republic” in 1576.

“The word sovereign”, says J.S. Roucek and others, “entered the vocabulary of political theory from the feudal order, wherein it designated a relationship between persons. The term sovereign had been applicable to any feudal overlord with authority over subjects in his own dominions”.

Two Aspects of Sovereignty:

There are two aspects of sovereignty: internal sovereignty and external sovereignty. Internal Sovereignty means some persons, assembly of group of persons in every independent state have the final legal authority to command and enforce obedience.

This sovereignty exercises its absolute authority over all individuals or associations of the individuals within the state. Professor Harold Laski has very aptly remarked in this connection: “It issues orders to all men and all associations within that area; it receives orders from none of them. It will is subject to no legal limitation of any kind. What it proposes is right by mere announcement of intention”.

We mean, by External Sovereignty, that the State is subject to no other authority and is independent of any compulsion on the part of other States. Every independent state reserves the authority to renounce trade treaties and to enter into military agreements. Each estate is independent of other states.

Every independent State is at liberty to determine its foreign policy and to join any bloc of power it likes. Any other state does not reserve any right to interfere with the external matter of an independent state. Thus, by external sovereignty we mean that every state is independent of other states.

In other words, External Sovereignty means national freedom. Professor Laski has very correctly observed in this regard, “The modern state is a sovereign state. It is, therefore, independent in the face of other communities.

It may infuse its will towards them with a substance which need not be affected by the will of any external power”. This statement of Professor Laski makes it very clear that the State possesses both external and internal sovereignty.

Definitions of Sovereignty:

(1) “That characteristic of the state by virtue of which it cannot be legally bound except by its own or limited by any power other than itself. -Jellineck

(2) “Sovereignty is the sovereign political power vested in him whose acts are not subject to any other and whose will cannot be over-ridden”. -Grotius

(3) “Sovereignty is the supreme power of the State over citizens and subjects unrestrained by law”. -Bodin

(4) Sovereignty is “the common power of the state, it is the will of the nation organised in the state, it is right to give unconditional orders to all individuals in the territory of state”. -Duguit (Droit Constitutional Vol. 1, page 113)

(5) Burgess characterised sovereign is the “Original, absolute, unlimited power over the individual subjects and over all associations of subjects”.

(6) “Sovereignty is that power which is neither temporary nor delegated, nor subject to particular rules which it cannot alter, not answerable to any other power over earth”. -Pollock

(7) “Sovereignty is the supreme will of the state”. -Willoughby

(8) “Sovereignty is the daily operative power of framing and giving efficacy to the laws”. -Woodrow Wilson

(9) Sovereignty is “the supreme, irresistible, absolute, uncontrolled authority in which the ‘jurist summi imperi’ reside”. -Blackstone

(10) The sovereignty is “legally supreme over an individual or group, says Laski, he possesses “supreme coercive power”.

After closely studying and carefully examining the definitions of sovereignty, given above, we arrive at the conclusion that sovereignty is the supreme political power of the state. It has two aspects: internal and external. Sovereignty is an unlimited power and it is not subject to any other authority.

Characteristics or Attributes of Sovereignty:

According to Dr. Garner, following are the characteristics or attributes of Sovereignty:

(1) Permanence.

(2) Exclusiveness.

(3) All-Comprehensiveness.

(4) Inalienability.

(5) Unity.

(6) Imprescriptibility.

(7) Indivisibility.

(8) Absoluteness or illimitability.

(9) Originality.

(1) Permanence:

Permanence is the chief characteristics of sovereignty. Sovereignty lasts as long as an independent state lasts. The death of the king, the overthrow of the government and the addiction of power does not lead to the destruction of sovereignty.

We should keep in mind the basic fact that the king or the ruler exercises sovereign power on behalf of the state and, therefore, sovereignty lasts as long as the state lasts. The death of the king or the overthrow of the government does not affect sovereignty. This is the reason why people in England used to say “The King is dead, long live the King”.

Dr. Garner has beautifully summed up this idea in the following manner:

“Sovereignty does not cease with the death or temporary dispossession of a particular bearer or the re-organisation of the state but shifts immediately to a new bearer, as the centre of gravity shifts from one part of physical body to another when it undergoes external change”.

(2) Exclusiveness:

By exclusiveness we mean that there can be two sovereigns, in one independent state and if the two sovereigns exist in a state, the unity of that state will be destroyed. There cannot exist another sovereign slate within the existing sovereign state.

(3) All Comprehensiveness:

The State is all comprehensive and the sovereign power is universally applicable. Every individual and every association of individual is subject to the sovereignty of the state. No association or group of individuals, however, rich or powerful it may be, can resist or disobey the sovereign authority.

Sovereignty makes no exception and grants no exemption to anyone. It grants exemptions only in the case of foreign embassies and diplomatic representatives of foreign countries on the reciprocal basis. This does not in any way restrict the sovereignty of the state in the legal sense. The state can abolish and withdraw the diplomatic privileges granted to foreigners.

(4) Inalienability:

Inalienability is another characteristic of sovereignty. Sovereignty is inalienable. By inalienability we mean that the State cannot part with its sovereignty. In other words, we can say that the sovereign does not remain the sovereign or the sovereign state, if he or the state transfers his or its sovereignty to any other person or any other state.

Sovereignty is the life and soul of the state and it cannot be alienated withou
t destroying the state itself. Lieber has very aptly remarked in this connection: “Sovereignty can no more be alienated than a tree can alienate its right to sprout or a man can transfer his life or personality to another without self-destruction”.

(5) Unity:

Unity is the very spirit of Sovereignty. The sovereign state is united just as we are united.

(6) Imperscriptibility:

By imprescriptibility, we mean that if the sovereign does not exercise his sovereignty for a certain period of time, it does not lead to the destruction of sovereignty. It lasts as long as the state lasts.

(7) Indivisibility:

Indivisibility is the life-blood of sovereignty. Sovereignty cannot be divided state, American statesman Calhoun has declared, “Sovereignty is an entire thing; to divide it is to destroy it. It is the supreme power in a state and we might just well divide it is to destroy it.

It is the supreme power in a state and we might just well speak of half square or half a triangle as half a sovereignty”. Gettell, has also very aptly remarked in this regard, “If sovereignty is not absolute, no state exists. If sovereignty is divided, more than one state exists”.

(8) Absoluteness:

Sovereignty is absolute and unlimited. The sovereign is entitled to do whatsoever he likes. Sovereignty is subject to none.

(9) Originality:

By originality we mean that the sovereign wields power by virtue of his own right and not by virtue of anybody’s mercy.

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[PDF] Agencies of Global Governance: WTO, IMF and OECD

1. World Trade Organization (WTO):

Global governance is related to the key multilateral economic institutions like the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO. It varies from TRIPs, TRIMs and agriculture to services, market access and dispute settlements. Many people are unaware of the World Trade Organization (WTO), yet it makes decisions which affect the future of everyone. Established in 1994 (Marrakech Agreement) and located in Geneva, the WTO makes rules and regulations about health, safety and environmental standards worldwide.

Member-states commit themselves (with no reservations allowed) to alter their national statutes and procedures to comply with supra-state laws. Advice of the DSB (Dispute Settlement Body) is binding unless every state party to the global trade regime votes to overturn the advice. Its standards are often based on industry requests, with little, if any, input from consumers. The WTO, successor of GATT, divides global governance by means of various trade-related agreements, which are both technical as well as all-compassing general instruments.’

It operates on the basis of one vote per member state. But core global trade negotiations occur between the USA and the EU. Nearly one-third of the member governments lack the resources to maintain a permanent delegation in Geneva to monitor and intervene in its day-to-day affairs of the WTO. Most of the states of the South and the East have no representation whatsoever in decision-making at the OECD.

The WTO has final authority over all of its decisions, and is more powerful for trade matters than any nation, including the US. All however is not bleak. On the positive side, over 600 nonprofit organisations worldwide used the Internet to prevent adoption of one of the most offensive treaties, the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI). The World Bank and the IMF have charted out a course of action for parties in dispute with each other.

It makes up a remarkable instrument of governance. Corporate power globally is enormous and growing. It is hard to imagine that more than half of the top 100 economies in the world are now private businesses. Corporate power also grows significantly through international treaties.

2. International Monetary Fund (IMF):

In 1946, the Washington-based IMF held a modest attempt to establish and then manage the Bretton Woods regime of fixed exchange rates. However, since the 1970s the Fund has intervened more intensely with its client governments.

At the IMF, governments of the G7 control 45 per cent of votes on the Executive Board. The African 44 states have less than 5 per cent of the total votes. According to a prevalent convention, a West European is always Managing Director of the IMF, while a citizen of the USA is always President of the World Bank.”

Since then, the IMF has undertaken comprehensive and detailed surveillance of economic annual performance of its 184-member states and of the world economy as a whole. The IMF supplies major training and technical assistance services, largely to poorly equipped states. The IMF Institute has 21,000 officials the world over. The Fund has gone beyond its traditional stabilisation measures to sponsor wide-ranging economic restructuring programmes in 80 countries.

It plays a pivotal role in responding to crises in global finance, including emergencies occurring everywhere. It has acted as something like a supra-state central bank. It has developed some general principles for overseeing global commercial banking , such as, capital adequacy ratios, payment and settlement systems. The World Bank has given considerable attention to reforming state and sub-state governance in areas such as the civil service, the judiciary and labour legislation.

3. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD):

The OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) also illustrates the contemporary growth of global economic governance. With a Paris based secretariat consisting of 2,300 people, the OECD convenes some 200 committees, working parties, and expert groups. Its recommendations has multiplied more than tenfold. Its measures have especially addressed the environment, taxation, and trans-world investments. Like the WTO and the IMF, the OECD has acquired a significant role in policy surveillance.

It is essential to understand that humanity is engaged in a contest over who will determine its future. Will the business and financial world define and dominate human societies and relationships with little consideration for individuals, communities and nations? Even the New York Times reported this as the “inevitable clash between the power of government and the power of markets.

In Russia, Malaysia, and even Japan, the United States is insisting on reforms that would essentially give power to investors to move their money across borders at will, instead of to governments seeking to control their own destinies.” We should understand that these “reforms” do often conflict with the ability of nations and peoples to control their destinies.

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[PDF] Kinds and Forms of Political Culture (with 4 Political Systems)

Political cultures have many forms. They can be based on several factors. A political culture can have many sub-political cultures. These sub-political cultures, in the context of specific political institutions and their processes, generate different political attitudes and values. When sub-political cultures dominate political culture, a political culture suffers crises after crises, as it has been happening in Ireland and Sri Lanka.

On the basis of number and power, political culture takes two forms – elitist and mass based. Even a mass political culture has many variations and grows heterogeneous. However, their values can be complementary to each other. A political culture decides in what way the members belonging to masses would be recruited and taken into the elite groups.

Their different socialisation processes too influence each other. When cleavages between them is too deep and wide, or general political culture goes weak, political system suffers from increasing conflicts, disintegration and ultimate dismem­berment. A third level between them also exists. It is the middle class which has gained strength everywhere. A powerful middle class happens to hold balance among different sub-political cultures. Its presence lessens violent conflicts. Aristotle in the past, and most of the modem liberal political thinkers stand for it.

On the basis of continuity, cultures can be conservative or modern or most modern or postmodern. Almond and Coleman find most of cultures as ‘mixed’. W.F. Riggs calls them ‘prismatic’, ‘developing’ or ‘transitional’. From the viewpoint of speed, cultures can be static, slow or revolutionary.

It is difficult to determine their indicators. Political culture, on the basis of ideologies, can be communist, socialist, democratic, authori­tarian or fascist. Some scholars have found political cultures as hilly, plane, oceanic, north or south polar. They have been related to ethnicity, colour or race: yellow, black, brown, white etc. Huntington, recently, has connected them with civilisations.

On the bases of congruence or uniformity, Wiseman, has pointed out three in their pure or ideal forms, and, other three as their mixed forms:

Kinds of Political Cultures on the Basis of Congruence

Norms of congruence are allegiance, apathy and alienation. They indicate orientation of citizens towards the political system. Orientation relates to inputs and outputs of political systems. It can be positive (+) and negative (-).

Orientation towards them can be different in congruent political cultures:

Kinds of Congruence based

S.E. Finer puts political cultures into four categories:

(i) Mature;

(ii) Developed;

(iii) Low; and

(iv) Lowest.

He saw pre-revolutionary France as the lowest political culture.

According to Almond, political cultures connected with particular political systems, can be categorized into four groups:

1. Anglo-American Political System:

Its political culture is homoge­neous. It combines modern, transitional and secular outlooks. Mostly its political culture is plural, free, libertarian, rational and experi­mental. Both political ends and means are clearly defined. Sometimes, a few groups prefer one particular value at the expense of others. On other occasions, all groups urge for one particular value or goal. Role of political parties, individual leaders and other associations is publicly recognised. Plurality of political, civic, economic and cultural life finds place in different pressure groups which respect each other’s existence.

2. Continental European Political System:

It has few traits of uniformity. In some areas there is polarization of political cultures, some of its elements are traditional whereas others are rational. Imbalance among sub-political cultures causes tension and generates conflicts. Secularis­ation succeeds in a limited way. Secular political culture exists only in some modern and industrial sectors.

Existence of differing ideologies also causes sharp cleavages and political alienation among several sections of people. Political leaders have less deference toward law-making bodies and elections. Instead of using public forum for exchange of ideas, discussion, negotiation and arriving at consensus, leaders rather use them to teach, preach, warn and bargain. Their roles are deeply rooted in sub-political cultures. In place of law, sub-political cultures dominate the scene. Bureaucracy holds the keys of decision and policy making structures.

3. Non-Western Political System:

In this group of countries, modernity of a political system resides in cities only. Attempts are made to usher it in rural areas also. Form of authority is charismatic, which leads to instability, indecision and subjectivity. Narrow political interests prevail, though underground. Their operation leads to sporadic violence and bloodshed. Communication channels are secretive, sectarian and slow. Bureaucracy is backward and insensitive.

4. Totalitarian Political System:

It is fully monolith, organized and authoritarian, which permits no alternative or free institutions. There is complete control over press and media. Consensus is imposed on all matters. Dissension is crushed. It often goes underground. Modern technologies are used for serving narrow and personal ends. However, it develops expertise in maintaining monopoly over the whole system. Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, Stalinist Russia etc. have profusely illus­trated this type of political culture.

However, many political scientists have not accepted Almond’s above- mentioned structural classification. Political culture is an independent, or at the most an intervening variable. It is not subservient or subordinate to political system. It has its own existence. It does influence a political system directly or in a definitive manner, and influences its decisions and policies in some indirect manners.

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