[PDF] Essay on Socialist Society: Meaning, Nature and Political Organisation

After reading this article you will learn about Socialist Society:- 1. Meaning of Socialist Society 2. Nature of Socialist Society 3. Political Organisation.

Meaning of Socialist Society:

Marx mentions two stages of socialist society or socialism—one is pure socialism and the other is communism. Socialism is the first phase and communism is the second or final phase of socialist society or scientific socialism.

There is a qualitative difference between the two phases. Lenin in his State and Revolution has distin­guished between the two phases. Marx was, of course, quite aware of the difference between communism and socialism.

A socialist society comes out of the contradictions engulfing a capitalist society and according to Marx the advent of socialism is inevitable. In every respect, economically, intellectually and morally it is stamped with the birthmarks of the old society from whose womb it emerges.

A society which comes out of the womb of capitalism is called socialist society. This is not free from the defects or evils of capitalism. Immediately after the abolition of capitalism the proletarians will set up their own type of society. Naturally it will not be possible for them to remove all the evils of capitalist mode of production.

In the Critique of Gotha Programme Marx says, “Between the capitalist and communist society lies the period of revolutionary transition of the one into the other. There corresponds to this also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.”

This dictator­ship of the proletariat is the state. Marx emphasizes that the transition from capitalism to communism which is higher form of socialism is not direct.

In the Critique of the Gotha Programme Marx has unambiguously stated that there are number of important differences between socialism and communism. Socialism came through revolution and similarly another revolution will be required for building up of a communist society.

Nature of Socialist Society:

Commenting on the nature of socialist society Marx says that it is an immature or crude form of communism. The ultimate purpose of the proletarians will be to bring about communism. The proletarian revolution has simply abolished the bourgeois state. The great fabric of bourgeois superstructure will not be completely eliminated.

The first phase of socialism, as we have noted earlier, will carry with it all the birth­marks of capitalist society. In the Critique of the Gotha Programme he refused to accept the socialist ideas of Lassalle. What Marx wants to say here is that socialist programme is very much important, no doubt, but “every step to real movement is more important than a dozen programmes.”

Lassalle thought that in socialism worker would get the full reward of his labour. Refuting this contention of Lassalle Marx has argued that it is impossible, because a portion of wage will be kept aside for consolidated fund, for the depreciation of machinery and purchasing of new machines.

Hence, remuneration will never commensurate with labour. The ideals, objectives and other aspects of communism will never be reflected in socialism. That is why he calls socialism an immature form of communism. Until communism emerges socialism will proceed or work with all the imperfections. This is inevitable.

Analysing the basic feature of the first phase of communist society Engels in Anti-Duhring writes, “In making itself the master of all the means of production to use them in accordance with a social plan society puts an end to the former subjection of men to their own means of production. The society cannot free itself unless every individual is freed. The old mode of production must, therefore, be revolutionised from top to bottom, and in particular, the former division of labour must disappear. Its place must be taken by an organisation of production in which no individual can throw on the shoulders of others his share in the productive H. O. P. T.—43 labour.”

In the socialist society individuals will get the full scope for the develop­ment of all his faculties, physical and mental, in all directions. This is not an imaginary picture. The socialist society is created to fulfil the promises.

Capitalism divided the society not only into bourgeoisie and proletariat, but also into various other splinter groups. The chief reason of dividing the society into groups was to weaken the unity of society. The capitalists thought that a united society would pose a great challenge to the authority and domination of capitalists.

Socialist society will abolish the manifold divisions. Such a society will assume the character of workers’ cooperative. Lenin has beautifully said, “Socialism is merely the next step forward from state-capitalist monopoly. Or in other words, socialism is merely state-capitalist monopoly which is made to serve the interests of the whole people and has, to that extent, ceased to be a capitalist monopoly.”

Marx has highlighted the basic nature of society in the following way : The individual producer receives back from society—after the deductions have been made—exactly what he gives to it. No one will be deprived of his just share of product. Marx and his followers have called it equality.

Lenin says, “Equality apparently reigns supreme…” Some have called the system equal distribution of product. Others call it equal right of all to an equal product of labour. In the opinion of Marx in the first phase of communist society there shall prevail the principle of equal right, but in its higher phase it shall wither away.

The idea of equal right is a bourgeois concept. Everyone shall have the equal right to exploit and capture means of production. In fact, all will not be able. That is why, he has pronounced that right instead of being equal would have to be unequal.

According to Marx the first phase of communist society will accompany with it some features of capitalism and according to him it was inevitable only one revolution was ineufficient for the obliteration of evils of capitalism. Specifically for that reason the Marxists talked about continuity of revolutions.

The equal right will be one of its feature. Since the economic structure of the socialist society is not perfect, one cannot expect a perfect form of equality or right. People will have to be satisfied with imperfect forms. Marx writes (MESW 1-24), “Right can never be higher than the economic structure of society and its culture development condi­tioned thereby”

Marx has categorically stated that even after the seizure of state power and establishment of socialism there would exist bourgeois laws and other things relevant to socialism. The proletarians will apply some parts or portions or aspects of bourgeois laws only to hasten the revolution and suppress the remnants of bourgeois counter-revolutionary forces.

If necessary the bourgeois laws shall be made consistent with the socialist goals. Sometimes they may be amended. Here Marx wants to emphasize that the proletarians shall not be guided by any orthodox and impractical mentality.

It is unnecessary to jettison all the elements of bourgeois state. To do it is sheer utopianism. The proletarians shall have to build up a new society out of the ruins of an old one. They, therefore, must proceed cautiously.

Lenin has reiterated two great principles propounded by Marx. These are to be applied in socialist society. One is—He who does not work shall be not eat. The other is—An equal amount of products for an equal amount of labour. The proletarians must materialise these two principles or objectives.

Planning is the core of socialism. Nothing would be done without any planning and naturally social
ism rules out anarchy. It is the firm belief of socialism that the ownership of the means of production by private persons is the source of people’s poverty and other evils.

So it plans to dislodge the private individuals from the ownership of the means of production and place them under the management of society. The entire economy is to be managed in accordance with the principles laid down by central planning. Hence planning occupies a strategic position in socialist system.

Huberman and May have remarked, “Just as public ownership of the means of production is an essential feature of socialism, so too is centralised planning.” The adherents of socialism are of opinion that without central planning the success is never to be achieved. In capitalism there is no place of planning.

Production of commodities in socialist society is to be done according to planning. Socialist economy is basically a planned economy. Only planning can ensure the proper management of an economy.

It is to be remembered here that the utilities of planning was first realised by the Fabian socialists and for deciding the principles and programmes of planning they set up a cell of Fabian Society under the leadership of Arthur Lewis. Perhaps the Marxists borrowed the idea of planning from Fabians.

Political Organisation of Socialist Society:

After capturing political power the first objective of the proletarians would be to build up a new political organisation essential for building socialism and commu­nism. They very foundation of the new political organisation is the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

In the Critique of the Gotha Programme Marx says that between capitalism and communism lies a new political organisation which may aptly be called the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.

This is the state. Both the nature and function of this revolutionary state are quite different from those of the bourgeois state. It is so longer an instrument of exploitation. We also call it a socialist state.

Such a state is an instrument for uniting the masses and educating them in the spirit of communism, an instrument of building the new society. Here the term “dictatorship” creates a lot of confusion. The term is not used in ordinary sense. The functions of the socialist state are directed against the bourgeoisie. Socialist state democratizes the entire society.

The bourgeois state is the instrument of exploitation of the workers whereas the socialist state is an instrument of power exclusively at the disposal of the working class. But this power is not for exploitation, it is for management of socialist state.

It may be noted that the socialist state retains its suppressive function. The socialist political organization suppresses the exploitation and counter-revolution.

It also checks all the disruptive forces. The extent and forms of suppression depend on the nature and intensity of counter-revolution and exploitation. The socialist state will never be used for the furtherance of the interests of any particular class.

It releases all efforts for the overall progress of society. In a socialist state uniform importance will be given to all the social and cultural activities. In a capitalist state these were treated perfunctorily. A socialist state will reorganize itself from top to bottom.

The external functions or aspects will also be reorganized. A socialist state never aspires to be an aggressor, rather it disdains aggression. But one socialist state is desirous of setting up cordial relations with another socialist state.

At the same time a socialist state helps materially, intellectually and morally the socialist movement of other countries. It is the purpose of any socialist state to build up socialism in all countries of the world, because it is the only way of emancipation of the working class.

The capture of the state by the proletarians brings about an end of the predominance of bureaucracy. The socialist state will not destroy the bureaucracy but it will cut it to size. But as socialism becomes more and more perfect the importance of bureaucracy will tend to decline and with the arrival of communism the bureaucracy of the state will wither away.

The socialist political organization will bring into being a new type of law. The bourgeoisie used the law to exploit the proletarians and further their own interests.

The new state system promises to use laws to safeguard the socialist property and to frustrate the counter-revolution. The new legal superstructure of a socialist state will correspond the new base.

The bourgeois state was the state of a minority section of society, whereas the socialist state is the state of the whole people. The essential nature of the socialist state, born of the revolution, does not change.

It is wrong to oppose the dictatorship of the proletariat to the socialist state of the whole people. The new stage of statehood corresponding to the victory of socialism does not alter the leading role of the working class in the life of society.

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[PDF] Differences in Ideas of Marx and Hegel

This article will help you to differentiate between the ideas of Marx and Hegel.

Marx accepts this process of evolution but the basic difference is in Marx’s thought system there is no place of Idea. Matter is everything. Hegel emphasizes the concept of Idea, but Marx talks about matter. This is materialism.

The differences between Hegel and Marx are important. In Hegel’s opinion Idea is of first importance because it arises at first and matter is of secondary importance. Engels says, “The Hegelian system is a colossal miscarriage.”

Explaining Hegel’s interpretation of history with the help of dialectics Hunt says:

“For Hegel history were a process in which the Absolute progressively unfolds itself revealing more of its true nature in later periods than in earlier, and this more in the national state than in primitive communities. The dialectic provided clue to this development.”

Marx borrowed this concept of dialectic from Hegel and applied it to the explanation of society. He also said that dialectic was also the clue to progress but this progress is not history and the culmination of progress is neither history nor Absolute Idea not even the National State of Germany.

Marx also differed from Hegel on another standpoint. Hegel had simply interpreted the history dialectically but he did not suggest how to change the history as well as society. In Marx’s view, function of philosophy was not to interpret the world, but to change it.

Hunt further observes “having found, as he believed, a convenient instrument in the dialectic, he went further than Hegel in applying it to the future.”

Marx applied dialectic to “justify” the proletarian revolution and radicalism. Hegel idealized the state through dialectical method and ultimately it culminated to fascism. Marx’s application of dialectic led to the proletarian revolution and establishment of communism. Marx had no interest in metaphysics.

What is metaphysics? It is essentially an abstract way of thinking. Idea and metaphysics failed to allure Marx. To him matter was of primary importance. Both Marx and Engels had admitted that Hegelian dialectics had both idealistic and revolutionary aspects.

Marx and Engels accepted the latter. In this background we can say that Marx and Engels have converted Hegelian dialectics into materialist dialectics and this is not only a method but also a theory a theory of development of the most general laws of development of nature, society and knowledge. Marxist method is materialist as well as dialectical. In Marxism, dialectics and materialism are not separate from each other.

Finally, we say that Marx expressed his indebtedness to Hegel in regard to dialectics but simultaneously he categorically stated his differences with Hegelian dialectics.

Let us quote few lines from his Capital; “My dialectic method is not only different from the Hegelian, but is its direct opposite. To Hegel the life process of human brain, i.e., the process of thinking, which under the name of idea he even transforms into an independent subject, is the demiurges of the real world, and the real world is only the external, phenomenal form of the idea. With me, on the contrary the idea is nothing else than the material world reflected by the human mind and translated into forms of thought.” Marx agreed with the dialectics of Hegel but disagreed with the mystifying aspect.

In the thoughts of both Hegel and Marx there are seeds of revolution. For the first time Hegel pointed out that history is always in movement. It never stands at a particular pointer stage.

Its movement is dialectical. “He insisted that it is not simply a bare sequence of events, but a gradual process of unfolding”.

According to Marx the society also progresses and the method is dialectic. In the process of progress the latter stage is different from the former. Marx also said that the latter stage is developed from the former. Both Hegel and Marx insisted that there was reason behind the dialectical process and it is not guided and motivated by any external or any other force.

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[PDF] Peter Kropotkin: Bio, Life and Political Ideas

After reading this article you will learn about the bio, life and political ideas of Peter Kropotkin.

Life of Peter Kropotkin:

Prince Peter Kropotkin was born in 1842 and breathed his last in 1921. Kropotkin was a Russian noble. He was educated for army and at the age of twenty he became a military officer in Siberia.

Kropotkin’s great interest in science developed from his military training which he received to get a job. This moulded his life in future. He had a scientific mind and devoted his time and energy to the study of books on science.

As a military officer in Siberia Kropotkin got ample opportunity for geographical survey and expedition. Thus his shift from military service to geo­graphical survey and expeditions enriched the subject profoundly. He contributed many articles to different journals.

Peter Kropotkin was a man of different mentality and attitude. His stay in military service could not satisfy his academic and intellectual requirements and desires and after serving several years he relinquished the job, and entered the University of St. Petersburg in 1867. His vast knowledge in geography brought for him the post of secretary of Geographical Society.

Even this vital administrative post could not detain him for long time. He moved to radical political movements. In 1872, Peter Kropotkin joined the International Workingmen’s Association. Later on he was deeply involved in subversive and anarchical activities. This led him to imprisonment in 1874.

He escaped from prison in 1876 and went to England. The England of the second half of eighteenth century was the centre of revolutionary activities, although she never experienced any revolution.

He also travelled to Switzerland and Paris. While in Paris he was again arrested by the French government in 1883. Released from prison in 1886 he went to England and settled there. He remained in England until the Russian revolution in 1917. The rest of his life was spent without political activity.

Peter Kropotkin was an evolutionist anarchist. But his evolutionism was more scien­tific than that of his predecessors. He wrote several books on anarchism such as ‘The Place of Anarchy in Socialist Evolution (1886), The Conquest of Bread (1888), Its Philosophy and Ideal (1896)’, ‘The State – Its Part in History (1898)’ and ‘Modern Science and Anarchism (1903)’. His deep interest in science, particularly biology and anthro­pology, opened before him new and enchanting vistas of knowledge and all these inspired him to study biological science with added interest.

He applied concept of evolution to the study of political ideas and this finally ended in the emergence of evolutionist anarchism. Maxey writes, “He was a student of biology and anthropology and his geographical work was much influenced by his knowledge of those subjects. His theory of anarchism revealed the same influence. He believed and marshalled an array of biological and anthropological data to prove that anarchy was in harmony with the true principles of natural social evolution.”

Political Ideas of Peter Kropotkin:

1. Theory of Evolution:

Kropotkin’s theory of evolution is based on scientific principles. As a student of geography, biology and anthropology Kropotkin studied the development of both animals and human beings.

Urge to survive forced both man and animal to adapt to the circumstances. Through adaptation and adjustment man makes himself suitable for environment. Failure to adapt is the chief cause of destruction.

Kropotkin argues that under normal circumstances man and social life pass through the natural process of evolution and this process is smooth. But when the artificial activities or human volition interfere with the natural process of evolution of social life, it becomes abrupt and violent.

Violence comes from resistance. Sometimes the sudden appearance of new ideas and new events makes the evolutionary process abrupt.

According to Kropotkin’s reasoning when impediments are placed on the natural process of evolution force is applied to neutralize or remove the effects of impediments. Kropotkin calls it revolution.

So evolution and revolution are not to be separated from each other. Revolution is a natural aid to evolution. So revolution cannot be viewed as abnormal and destructive. Kropotkin has drawn instances from history in support of his view.

The most important aspect of Kropotkin’s theory of evolution is his emphasis on cooperative mentality of men. Peter Kropotkin accepts the central idea of Darwin’s theory of evolution.

The animal world has passed several phases of evolution to reach the final phase. But some evolutionists have argued that there was an intense fighting among men and animals and in this struggle only the fittest ultimately survived. This latter theory finds no place in Kropotkin’s theory of evolution.

Instead of using’ fighting as the main plank of evolution he emphasizes upon cooperation as the basic motive of human being.

Kropotkin studied biology and anthropology and nowhere he could find the trace of Hobbesian picture of human nature. In the primitive society, Kropotkin held there was a law of nature and this was also a law of cooperation and not contradiction or animosity. There was the law of mutual aid, fellow feeling and sympathy.

The primitive society was not the society of war of all against all, not the fighting mentality. The primitive people developed a lot of cooperative mental­ity amongst themselves and in the opinion of Kropotkin that was the cause of their survival.

Kropotkin’s Mutual Aid:

A Factor of Evolution deals with cooperation. The higher the species the more perfectly developed are the dispositions and capacities for cooperation. Kropotkin has culled innumerable instances from history in support of his conclusion. Throughout the numerous stages of evolution there was always cooperation. People behaved among themselves cordially.

But the creation of artificial organization like state or government unnecessarily interfered with the cooperative mentality and behaviour of man. This led to the loss of liberty, justice and goodwill. Kropotkin raised his voice against this situation and that laid the foundation of anarchism.

2. Theory of State:

Peter Kropotkin has argued that the natural goal of social evolution is the attainment of principle of equality, justice and social solidarity. The higher the evolution the more perfect is the natural goal.

The question then is what obstructs the attainment of this natural goal. The artificial institution and human volition are the most powerful hindrances to the natural goal. Kropotkin says that the state is the most potential source of all these hindrances.

So far as theory of evolution is concerned the state has no connection with it. It is man-made. Whereas, the society is the product of an evolutionary process. The state is regarded by Kropotkin as the embodiment of coercion and restriction. These are necessary to settle the conflict.

So in the general theory of state there is no recognition of the cooperative instincts and spirit of individuals. The existing state is based on certain false assumptions man is unsocial, quarrelsome and engaged in incessant competition. The actual situation is quite different.

Peter Kropotkin has argued that the evolution of human faculties is still in the process of evolution, that is, human faculties are changing. But the establishment of state or any other artificial organization means the interference with this natural process of evolution. Again, in this evolutionary process there works spontaneity. The present system of political authority denies the importance of spontaneity.

Every man should be given full freedom to pursue his own methods for the development of his faculties and in this way the overall progress of society will be possible.

Here he emphasizes the spontaneity of individuals. Kropotkin claims that his special emphasis on the freedom and spontaneity of individuals is not based on imagina­tion but is a realistic one.

The freedom and spontaneity if properly nurtured would lead to sufficient development and he experienced it as an army officer of Russia. He saw that if people are allowed to work freely and spontaneously better results are to be found. But, on the other hand, if they are forced to carry out the order of others, and if this against their will, progress will be affected. For this reason Kropotkin strongly objected to the creation of artificial authority.

He has further observed that spontaneity and freedom enable men to overcome very tough situations. But authority destroys the spontaneity and freedom.

According to Peter Kropotkin the study of primitive society reveals that there was no government or coercive power. Notwithstanding, these primitive societies were well administered and there was no lack of obedience on the part of subject people. How was it possible? Asks Kropotkin. His reply was mutual aid and cooperation. Cooperation should be the basis of every society and people will cultivate it spontaneously.

Out of cooperation comes mutual aid. We can say one complements the other. In short, he says that cooperation, mutual aid and spontaneity shall be the basis of any human society. If restrictions and coercion are invited to interfere that will lead the society to destruction or anarchy.

Peter Kropotkin investigated the origin of state as a political organization. His view is stated in the following way – It is relatively a late historical development. Originally there were various social and cultural organizations based on voluntary principles and cooperation. When the economic forces and conditions divided the society into classes the interests of these classes became antagonistic. A force or power was created to settle the hostility. This is the state.

This conception of Peter Kropotkin reminds us of Marxian concept of origin of state. Laws were also enacted to serve the interests of the dominant class. The cooperation and mutual aid which prevailed in earlier societies were buried in oblivion. Customs and conventions were displaced by man-made laws.

Peter Kropotkin makes no distinction between different forms of government so far as their repressive nature is concerned.

Even in democratic states based on universal suffrage few rule on behalf of the majority. Coercion and exploitation both are characteristic features of such states.

All states are repressive and their activities as well as laws are sources of injustice and suffering. Labourers and peasants are exploited. Again, the institution of private property is the source of dissension, strife and inequality. Thus, in Kropotkin’s judgment authority, law and private property are enemies of people and their cooperation.

3. Revolution, Terrorism and Violence:

Why the state-power is to be destroyed is now clear. But how it is to be done we have not yet analysed. We shall do it now. In order to establish freedom, justice and equality, he asserted the private property and its ally state must be destroyed.

The state and its ally the capitalist class have created religion to hoax ordinary people and to make exploitation thorn-free. So religion and its institutionalization must be abolished. This can be performed only by revolution.

Peter Kropotkin’s theory of revolution is quite different from what his predecessors had talked about. In the words of Woodcock “He is considering the revolution, not in the apocalyptic form of a vast inferno of destruction but as a concrete event in which the rebellious workers must be aware of the consequences of their actions, so that revolt will not end in the establishment of new organs of power that will halt the natural development of free society.”

The raison d’etre of revolution, in Kropotkin’s view, is to build up a new society based on the principles of liberty and equality. It will have before that to destroy the old society. It is to be remembered that destruction can never be the leitmotif of any revolution. But destruction is unavoidable.

In the theory of revolution enunciated by Kropotkin there is no place of gradualism which is fatal in all its aspects. Gradualism is reformism, it is compro­mise. But Kropotkin is explicit and uncompromising.

Only revolution can ensure substantial advance towards social equality. Gradualism accommodated old forms and private property system. It keeps the state structure as it is and permits additions and alterations. This is not enough. A new society is to be constructed and so revolution is indispensable.

So far as revolution and terrorism are concerned the position of Kropotkin is different from that of other anarchists. He thought the revolution was the only way to change society. But his idea of revolution is not fully connected with terrorism.

His apathy to terrorism is quite known to his readers. He thought that the terrorist way might be used as last weapon. Explaining Kropotkin’s viewpoint James Joll observes “In fact, Kropotkin believed that in certain situations violence was justified and that it might well be the only means of revolution.”

Peter Kropotkin said, “A frightful storm is needed to sweep away all this rottenness, to vivify torpid souls with its breath, and to restore to humanity the devotion, self-denial, and heroism, without which a society becomes senile and decrepit and crumbles away.”

Kropotkin had suggested that a violent and pervasive revolution was needed to free the society from all evils and undesirable elements.

It was beyond the capacity of gradualism to cure the disease. But the question is – Can terrorism be accepted as part of revolution? Personally Kropotkin disliked terrorism or revenge.

Revenge, moreover, can never be the aim of the revolutionaries. But the importance or significance of revenge or terrorist activities lies elsewhere. Kropotkin has said that in the present structure of state the workers are the victims of all types of tortures, exploitation and persecution. This is really a sorry state of affairs and they must be freed.

Peter Kropotkin has said:

“In fact we have not suffered from the persecution as they we are not judges to those who live in the midst of all this hell of suffering personally I hate these explosions, but I cannot stand as a judge to condemn those who are driven to despair…one single thing that revenge must not be erected into theory. That no one has the right to incite others to it, but that if he keenly feels all that hell and does a desperate act, let him he judged by those who are peers, his equals in bearing those pariahs’ sufferings.”

Peter Kropotkin was faced with a complicated problem. Without a violent revolution the working class of Russia could not be freed from the present situation. But he did not like a violent revolution because the government of Russia was extremely reactionary. People will have to face severe penal measures for their involvement in violent revolution.

So far as use of violence is concerned there was a clear difference of opinion between Kropotkin and Tolstoy. Tolstoy was also an anarchist and he wanted the abolition of state or political authority. But he was convinced that this objective could successfully be achieved through non-violent methods.

Tolstoy’s doctrine has been called a Christian anarchism. Both the state and private property, according to Tolstoy, are incompatible with true Christianity.

The state demands obligation from its citizens and executes its will through coercion. Tolstoy argues that this act of
the state is against the principles of Christianity. Christianity further maintains that evil cannot be resisted by force. Tolstoy believed that anarchism could be attained by non-violent methods.

Personally Kropotkin had no quarrel with Tolstoy. They also never met. Points of disagreement centred around Christianity and use of violent methods. Kropotkin was scientific minded. He had a great respect for history.

He buttressed his theory of anarchism by scientific argument. Kropotkin’s love for scientific argument and reason prevented him from agreeing with Tolstoy who based his theory of anar­chism on religion.

Peter Kropotkin viewed anarchism in the light of evolution and not of Christianity. Kropotkin also did not like violence. But in final analysis he thought that it depended upon the situation.

4. Communism:

Kropotkin’s anarchism is different from Bakunin’s collectivist anarchism and Poudhon’s mutualist anarchism. Peter Kropotkin is an anarchist communist. In his anarchism there is compulsion. His anarchism is no longer compatible with voluntarism in a hundred percent way. The whole theory of communism in anarchist form is developed in his The Conquest of Bread published in 1892.

Peter Kropotkin enthusiastically propagated the anarchist communism though he was not the first man in this field. Long before him several persons advocated it. Anarchist communism was advocated by Sir Thomas More in the sixteenth century and Winstanely in the seventeenth century. Campanula’s City of the Sun contained seeds of anarchist communism. Kropotkin was, however, its great apostle and popularize.

In the Jura Congress of 1880 Kropotkin presented a report—The Anarchist Idea from the point of view of Its Practical Realisation. This report for the first time stressed anarchist communism.

The objective of the anarchist communism was the expropriation and collectivization of the means of production. He did not specifi­cally mention the word communism nor did he speak of communist method of distribution. However, what he suggested was nothing but anarchist communism.

Peter Kropotkin said, “To make prosperity a reality, these immense capital-cities, houses, tilled fields, factories; means of communication, education must stop being considered as private property which the monopolist can dispose of as he likes. This rich productive equipment, so painfully obtained, constructed, devel­oped, invented by our ancestors must become common property so that the collective spirit can draw from it the greatest advantage for everyone. We must have expropriation. Prosperity for all as an end, expropriation as a means.” The expropriation clears the way of the appearance of anarchist communism.

The system of private property would be abolished. Communism would fill up the vacuum. With the private property, political authority and exploitation would also go.

In The Conquest of Bread we find Kropotkin saying, “All things are for all men, since all men have need for them, since all men have worked in the measure of their strength to produce them, and since it is not possible to evaluate everyone’s part in the production of world’s wealth. If the man and the woman bear their fair share of the work, they have a right to their fair share of all that is produced by all, and the share is enough to secure their well-being.”

The basic principle of anarchist communism is from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs. It is not, says Kropotkin, possible to allocate the fruits of labour according to the work done by man.

However, it is enough that each labourer will get what he requires. Kropotkin observed that capitalist society is the heartland of all sorts of exploitation. Naturally in order to bring about an end of exploitation it is necessary to uproot capitalist system. How could it be done that is the problem?

Let us see what he says:

“Common possession of the necessaries of the production implies the common enjoyment of fruits of the common production; and we consider that an equitable organization of society can only arise when every wage system is abandoned and when everybody, contributing to the common well being to the full extent of his capacities, shall enjoy from the common stock of society to the fullest possible extent of his needs.

The communists share this ideal of the anarchists. But the communists believe that this can be achieved through the centralized system of production and distribution. On the other hand, Kropotkin and his followers believe that the ends can be obtained by mutual cooperation and free association.

The central idea of Kropotkin’s anarchist communism is a communist society can be built up through decentralization and diversification. Whereas Marxism thinks of centralization is anathema to freedom, equality and to some extent justice.

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[PDF] David Hume: Bio, Life and His Views

After reading this article you will learn about the bio, life and views on David Hume on social contract.

Life of David Hume:

David Hume was born in 1711 and died in 1776. This year is famous in Western history. Adam Smiths. The American Declara­tion of Independence took place in 1776 and, finally, Bentham published his Fragment of Government in this year. Hume was an important part of the Enlight­enment. 1748 was a memorable year for Hume.

David Hume published the third edition of Essay. He had a great friendship with Enlightenment thinker Montesquieu. Hume presented a copy of the third edition of Essay to Montesquieu and in return Montesquieu presented a copy of The Spirit of Law to Hume. This paved the way of friendship between the two great thinkers of the Enlightenment.

Hume has been regarded as an iconoclast in the philosophical world. He thought that religion made man bad individually and collectively. This is the opinion of Maxey. He thought that man was generally misguided by religion and, in fact, there is no reason in religion. Man is moved by sentiment and emotion and these are generally the products of religion.

Some critics say that David Hume was a turncoat on account of his apparent swing from Whigism to Toryism. But Maxey does accept this charge against Hume. He says, “The integrity of his fundamental political ideas was never, compromised”. David Hume was always under the influence of particular incidents and these forced him to change his opinion.

About him Plamenatz’s assessment is interesting:

“Hume’s would surely be a broom. Not that he liked to boast or threaten. He was the most polite as well as most ruthless of critics. He used his broom deftly and quietly, raising little dust, but he used it vigorously”.

David Hume’s View on Social Contract:

Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau, the three great apostles of social contract have assiduously argued that the civil society or the body politic or the state was the product of contract. But Hume the great figure of Enlightenment and ardent believer in reason was against the contract theory. He was also historically-minded. In our analysis of contract theory we have shown that behind it there are no historical facts.

It is simply an imagination that at certain period of time men lived in an imaginary situation called the state of nature and the unpleasant or anarchical situation forced them to leave that situation. But Hume rejected the social contract root and branch.

He was of the view that a social contract might be the cause of state, but such a contract must, for all practical purposes, be historical and sociological.

He says, “no compact or agreement was expressly formed for general submission; an idea far beyond the comprehension of savages.”

About the origin of state David Hume said:

“Examination of the world today affords no support for the view that govern­ment rests on contract. On the contrary, everywhere we find princes who claim their subjects as their property and assert their independent right of sovereignty from conquest or succession and subjects acknowledge their subordination. Almost all the governments which exist at present or of which there remains any record in his story, have been founded originally either on usurpation or conquest or both, without any pretence of a fair consent or voluntary subjection of the people”.

So we find that in Hume’s judgment the state was not the product of social contract. He also did not accept the tacit consent. David Hume concludes that all the governments whose records are available in history were founded without any voluntary consent of the people.

“It is vain to say that all governments are or should be founded on popular consent, as much as the necessities of human affairs will admit I maintain that human affairs will never admit of this consent, seldom of the appearance of it. My intention here is not to exclude the consent of the people from being the one just foundation of government where it has place. It is surely the best and most sacred of any”.

So it is quite clear that Hume did not accept the social contract as the foundation of state. If so, what, according to him, is the real cause of the foundation? According to Hume, the social evolution is the real cause. He has explained the stages of social evolution and in a stage the state or human society has finally come into existence.

In the various stages of evolution human consent has very insignifi­cant role to play. Stage by stage and step by step society has evolved and, naturally, the consent has nothing to play.

Human society is always in the condition of change or flux. In such a situation consent has no scope to play any constructive role. He has, however, admitted that consent might have a very insignificant contribution. In the opinion of Plamenatz according to Hume the state is merely a contrivance in the public interest. The more we accept it and less we tamper with it, the more useful it is likely to be.

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[PDF] Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832): Bio, Life and Political Ideas

After reading this article you will learn about Jeremy Bentham:- 1. Life, Interests and Works of Jeremy Bentham 2. Political Ideas of Jeremy Bentham 3. Influence on Political Thought.

Life, Interests and Works of Jeremy Bentham:

The man who controlled the English political thought for one hundred years is Jeremy Bentham. Although there were several exponents of the doctrine of utilitari­anism, the name of Bentham tops the list.

In fact, the doctrine is so much associated with Bentham that one cannot be separated from another. “He did for utilitarian­ism” comments Plamenatz, “what Sidney and Beatrice Webb did for British socialism. But intellectually he was superior to the Webbs”.

Jeremy Bentham was born just one hundred years before the publication of The Communist Manifesto, that is, in the year 1748, and he died in the year 1832 when the Reform Bill was passed by the British Parliament.

Bentham’s parents saw in their child the markings of an intellectual prodigy. While other children of his age spent their time in playing games, he read classics. He started reading at the age of three.

The result of all these was that he could not receive formal education. He came of a very well-to-do family of lawyers. There was no dearth of money, mentality and material atmosphere necessary for education. Different classics of Latin were stocked in his father’s library.

His early life was quite uneventful. He had no acquaintance with the real world. Since his father and grandfather were successful lawyers and built up a big fortune through their vast practice, young Bentham entered Lincoln’s Inn after his gradu­ation in 1763.

Young Bentham did not feel any compulsion to earn his daily bread through practice of law. Moreover, because of his disinterestedness in the practice of law he could not follow it seriously. His interest was shifted to jurisprudence. He listened to famous judgments and lectures of Blackstone and Mansfield.

Bentham’s interests were many and varied. Economics, logic, psychology, penology, theology, ethics and politics—nothing escaped his attention. But his main interest was law and government.

Jeremy Bentham viewed the activities of judicial department and public administration with a censorial outlook. In fact, the govern­ment and law motivated him to write books or propound theory.

Throughout his life Bentham had advocated reforms of the legal system. He thought that this department had become irrelevant and failed to meet the demands of an industrialized society. However, he is better known for his doctrine of utilitarianism.

His first work was published in 1776 and this is the Fragment of Government. In 1789, one hundred years after the Glorious Revolution, Bentham’s second work Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation was published.

His third book Draught of a Code for the Organization of the Judicial System of France was published in 1790. The French Revolution could not evoke much interest in him.

He had no support for the revolutionaries. But he, like Burke, did not condemn them. “Hume anticipated the utilitarianism of Jeremy Bentham. He held that there were strict limits to the lengths to which human reason could go, and that to postulate a state of nature antecedent to society in which isolated individuals came together to forge a social contract was a fiction that was of no use in explaining how or why men behave as they do in society.” —Dante Germino—Machiavelli to Marx—Modern Western Political Thought.

Political Ideas of Jeremy Bentham:

1. Principle of Utility:

Though Bentham, in the strictest sense, was not the father or originator of the doctrine of utilitarianism, there is no denying the fact that he is the greatest and best interpreter of the principle of utility or utilitarianism.

His clear dictum is – each and every government—while formulating any policy or taking any decision or imple­menting any action regarding the management of state—must remember that whether or to what extent that policy or action or principle is capable of maximising comfort or pleasure of the people.

This announcement of Bentham is clearly individualistic in tone. The comfort or pleasure of the people is of primary importance for any government worthy of its name.

At the beginning of his an Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation Bentham writes:

Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters— pain and pleasure… In words a man may pretend to adjure their empire, but in reality he will remain subject to it all the while.

The principle of utility recognizes this subjection and assumes it for the foundation of that system, the object of which is to rear the fabric of felicity by the hands of reason and law

He further says:

To them we refer all our decisions, every resolve that we make in life. The man who affects to have withdrawn himself from their despotic sway does not know what he is talking about.

To seek pleasure and shun pain is his sole aim, even at the moment when he is denying himself the greatest enjoyment or courting penalties of the most severe kind. This maxim, unchangeable and irresistible as it is, should become the chief study of the Moralist and of the Legislator. To these two motives the principle of utility subjects everything.

These two observations of Bentham clearly state what he wants to say about the doctrine of utilitarianism. In every sphere of life and in every action man’s sole guide is the calculation of pain and pleasure.

So it is a must for the legislator or administrator to see that men are getting pleasure or will get pleasure while taking any action. What Bentham emphasizes is that it would be unwise and undesirable to adopt any policy that will not be able to cater to the interests of general public or will not be able to avoid pain and augment the quantity of pleasure.

In a word, the avoidance of pain and attainment of pleasure shall be the guiding principle of any governmental policy. By the principle of utility is meant that principle which approves or disapproves of every action whatsoever, according to the tendency of which it appears to have to augment or diminish the happiness of the party whose interest is in question.

The action may be of any private person or it may be any measure of government. The acceptance or rejection of every action or measure depends upon its ability to provide pleasure or pain.

Bentham then defines utility. By utility is meant that property in any object where­by it tends to produce benefit, advantage, pleasure, good or happiness or to prevent the happening of mischief, pain, evil or unhappiness to the party whose interest is considered.

2. Sources of Pleasure and Pain and Measurement:

There are generally four sources of pleasure and pain which are distinguishable from each other. These are physical, moral, political and religious. These may combinedly be sanctions. The physical or natural sanction comprises the pains and pleasures which we may experience or expect in the ordinary course of nature, not purposely modified by any human interposition.

The moral sanction comprises such pains and pleasures as we experience or expect at the hands of our fellow beings prompted by feelings of hatred or goodwill or contempt or regard; in a word, according to the spontaneous disposition of each individual.

This sanction may also be styled popular, the sanction of public opinion or of honour, or the sanction or pains and pleasures of sympathy. When the political authority as well as its laws and decisions happen to
be the source of pain and pleasure for the individuals we call it political.

Sometimes religion or religious authorities-through different acts and decisions-create both pleasure and Pain or any one-we term it religious. The scrutiny of the value of pleasure reveals that it depends on generally four circumstances and, in the view of Bentham these are – intensity, duration, certainty or uncertainty and proximity or remoteness.

While the individuals measure or estimate pleasure or pain they bring these four circumstances under consideration. But when the value of any pleasure or pain is considered for the purpose of estimating the tendency of any act by which it is produced, there are two other circumstances to be taken into account.

These are its fecundity and its purity. The fecundity and purity are, in strictness, not deemed the properties of pleasure and pain.

An important part of Bentham’s theory of pleasure and pain consists of calculation or what may be called measurement. If pain and pleasure cannot be measured, it would not be an easy task for the individual to take decision or arrive at conclusion.

Bentham’s suggestion runs as follows:

Begin with any one person whose interests seem to be most affected by any act of the authority.

Then we are to calculate the value of each distinguishable pleasure and as well as the value of each distinguishable pain. Sum up all the values of all the pleasures on the one side and those of all the pains on the other. If the balance is on the side of pleasures then the act or decision will be treated as good.

The individual will give his consent to it if the balance is on the side of pains the tendency is bad and the person concerned will argue against the implementation of the policy or act. Take an account of all the persons whose interests appear to be concerned and if we sum up the pleasures and pains according to the above process then we shall see whether the tendency is good or bad.

Jeremy Bentham tells us that the value of a lot of pleasure or pain varies with its intensity, its duration, its certainty, its uncertainty, its propinquity, its fecundity, its purity and its extent we have already pointed out all these.

These are what Bentham calls the seven dimensions of pleasure and pain and he believes that by operating with them we can assess the value, by which he means the quantity or any sum of pleasure or pain.

He admits that, in practice, such calculations can seldom be made with accuracy, but he supposes that they are, in principle, possible. He further observes that it is not to be expected that this process should be strictly pursued previous to every moral judgment or to every legislative and judicial operation. It may be always kept in view and as near as the process actually pursued on these occasions approaches it, so near will such a process approach the character of an exact one.

3. Features and Significance of Utilitarianism:

It has been claimed by renowned scholars that Bentham has not categorically used the term utilitarianism though he was the father of the term. J. S. Mill, son of fames Mill, has been found to use the concept liberally.

It is, however, undeniable that the structure of the doctrine was built up by Bentham. Again, the analysis of the concept provides an excellent picture about the theory and some characteristic features.

Theory of utilitarianism is a “felicific calculus” or it is also called a “Hedonistic calculus.” Why? In Bentham’s opinion both pleasure and pain are measurable and the amount of one offsets that of another. Since both of them are calculable they can be summed up.

The balance will determine what is pain and what is pleasure. In this calculation four dimensions or phases are to be considered—the mention of which has already been noted. These are intensity, duration, certainty and remoteness.

We have stated Bentham’s method of measurement. In his judgment man is rational and this enables him to decide what will give him pleasure and from what source he will get pain.

If we study Bentham’s theory of utilitarianism we shall find that the entire fabric of the concept is buttressed by the idea that man is quite reasonable and rational. Though there is considerable doubt about this over-simplification, it is a fact that he accepted it.

Jeremy Bentham further says that happiness has a sacred side and that is most desirable. That is why no one wants to neglect the pleasure and, to the contrary, makes all efforts to maximize pleasure or happiness.

The concept that happiness is measurable is based on certain inferences, though these are questionable. He states that happiness may be both stable and unstable.

Due to this, rational man desires to have stable or permanent pleasure. As to the measurability of pleasure Bentham has categorically indicated the special importance of the legislator.

If we thoroughly and carefully analyse Bentham’s views regarding the measurement of pleasure and pain it will appear that utility can be measured mathematically. That is, through calculation, man can know how much pleasure he has got. In other words, both pleasure and pain are mathematically calculable.

If we go through the various aspects of Benthamite theory of utility we shall find that he has not given recognition to the concept of natural rights because he believed that there could not be anything like natural rights.

These rights are unrelated to real situation; they are simply metaphysical or unreal. The foundations of American Declaration of Independence or the French Declaration of Rights are the natural rights.

They are not related to the utility or happiness of the citizens. Even the natural rights do not account how much pleasure people will get from them. Bentham has said that even after independence not a single slave got emancipation.

So what is the value of natural rights if they do not find their implementation in actual life?

According to Wayper the doctrine of utility is a doctrine which is concerned with results and not with motives. Utilitarians, particularly Bentham, hold the view that the goodness or badness of an action cannot be determined from the motive.

Only the results will say whether the decision is good or bad. Of course Bentham and his followers have agreed to make a compromise in certain exceptional circumstances, but the motive cannot be accepted as a general principle Wayper concludes according to the doctrine of utility we cannot say whether an action is good until its consequences are known.

The doctrine of utility is universal in the sense that all the conducts of man are expressed in one form or other of utility. That is, there is utility behind every conduct. Bentham says of the principle of ascetism; Asectics derive their perverted pleasure from ascetism.

Ascetism has painful consequences. It is explicable in terms of hedonism, while hedonism is not explicable in terms of ascetism.

Wayper has drawn our attention to another feature of the principle of utility. The doctrine is supposed to be objective, verifiable, unequivocal and clear. Bentham does not support the view of the founding fathers of the American Constitution and the writers of the Federalist Papers. The authors said that justice was the basis of government as well as its end. In Bentham’s consideration this is improper.

Why not happiness? He asks. Every man knows quite well what is happiness. But the idea of justice is subjective and it varies from person to person. On the contrary, everyone knows what is happiness and, according to Bentham, on rare occasions dispute arises on the question of happiness.

Hence it is a worthy criterion of policy determination. The doctrine of utility is not an imaginary one. It is based on solid foundation. It is applicable and ascertainable, since it is measurable.

The Industrial Revolution that took place in
the second half of the 18th century changed the economic, social, political and cultural aspects of society and, simulta­neously, certain deep rooted consequences and evils.

An overall change in the entire structure of society was badly needed. Bentham thought that changes were to be made but behind every change there must be consent of individuals.

Again, they will give consent on the basis of utility they are supposed to get from the proposals. The individuals will calculate utility and after that they will give consent.

The individuals are intelligent enough and capable of giving correct opinion. Whether a city will be made clear of slums, that may create heated controversy and it may happen that no definite decision can be taken. But if both evils and advantages are placed before the general public or policy-makers a decision could easily be taken. People will easily understand the exact picture of slum life.

Sabine says “The theory of pleasure and pain and also the sensationalist psychology associated with it, had for Bentham another value besides that of enabling him to calculate the effects of legislation. He believed that by using the psychology he could track down and neutralize the “fictions” which he saw everywhere in social studies and political reasoning.”

Bentham classifies pleasures and pains into simple and complex. According to Bentham there are at least fourteen simple pleasures and twelve simple pains. Pleasures of health, sense, power and piety, etc. are instances of simple pleasure. Privation, enmity, etc. are simple pains. Simple pains and pleasures are the foundations of complex pains and pleasures.

Criticism:

W. T. Jones criticizes Bentham’s doctrine of utility on the grounds that it is ambiguous, it is insufficient and, finally, it is inapplicable. Let us see what Jones says. The principle of utility is full of ambiguities, because it does not clearly state and define what it means and ultimately to what it leads.

What is meant by the greatest good of the greatest number? The number may be the greatest, but the happiness may not be greatest, or the vice versa.

There is no certainty that both number and good will happen in reality. That is, good of the greatest number may not be the greatest good. Again, suppose a case. A can produce 100 units of happiness for each of his five companions and the total happiness is 500 units. B can produce 100 units of happiness for each of his four companions and the total happiness stands at 400. Who is acceptable? Who is better? It is very difficult to decide. Jones comments; “What appear on the surface to be a single self-evident exhortation is really two separate exhortations, which contradict each other.”

Bentham’s theory of utility does not provide us sufficient explanation of human’ motives. Men may generally seek pleasure and try to avoid pain. But it is not correct to generalize this motive. Men are guided by a number of motives and seeking pleasure and avoiding pain are one of them. Bentham does not recognize this.

In fact, it is an over-simplification of human motive. Human nature and motives are so complex that these cannot be explained in simple terms. Even a cursory analysis of human character reveals that. Men want many things and with the passage of time his wants change. His want is not permanently fixed on Bentham’s formula or simply pleasure and pain. Even he does not want these at the cost of other’s interest. It is unfortunate that Bentham overlooks this.

The intensity of pleasure cannot be measured against its duration, or its duration against its certainty or uncertainty. Of all the dimensions mentioned by Bentham only two couples are commensurable duration with extent and fecundity with purity.

We can say that a pleasure or pain of a given intensity experienced by a person for two minutes is equal to that same pleasure or pain experienced by two persons for one minute. We can also say of a pleasure that its fecundity exceeds its purity. In other words, all his dimensions are not equally applicable to practical situation.

Criticizing Bentham’s principle of utility Plamenatz points out that he also confused measurements of quantity with comparisons of effects. When a man has to choose between two alternative pleasures, one of which is mild and lasting and the other intense and brief, he never can choose the greater for the simple reason that neither is greater.

Jeremy Bentham has said that while calculating pleasure and pain people generally estimate the possible consequences of various actions and make comparisons among them and after that they take decisions.

They also think about alternative proposals. In substance, people do not take hasty decisions.

They apply reason, past experience etc. The inference that can be drawn from this is that his people are enlightened and aware of all the aspects of society and its functioning. But the fact is that Bentham’s presumption is not true to fact and unsound assumption.

His inordinate sympathy for middle led him to propound such a theory. Moralists and idealists have united in denunciation of its “base” materialism. He judged human beings as though they were swine.

Murray complains that if we take away conscience as Bentham does there is no such thing as a moral or an immoral action though there may remain acts that are generally useful or the reverse as there is no individual conscience there is no collective conscience. The culprit does not feel the censure of the community.

His method of reconciliation between the individual and community is unsuc­cessful He has taken it for granted that there cannot be any contradiction between the individual and the state. But the policy of the state cannot always ensure hundred per cent materialization of the pleasures of all individuals comprising the community. It is impossible. However, any attempt of reconciliation between individual and community is an impossible adventure.

It is unfortunate that Bentham forgot to take note of several other factors on which pain and pleasure depend. For example, in a class society, the attitudes of poor and rich towards pain and pleasure will considerably vary. Again, people s attitude towards pain and pleasure will vary with the change of social, economic and political conditions.

The calculation of pain and pleasure is related with rationality of individuals. But it is not correct that a rational person does not always think about pain and pleasure. His aim may be nobler than mere pain and pleasure. Pain and pleasure are also subject to change when persons come in contact with other persons of foreign countries.

4. Legislator and Theory of Law:

Since Bentham was a man of jurisprudence and had special attachment to it, it is quite natural that legislation will receive added significance in his political writings. The theory of law is a consequence of that. It is, therefore, expected that he would have great respect for law. Individuals’ obligation to law is to be determined by its capacity to satisfy the utility.

So the law is to be enacted in such a way as to fulfill this basic demand. Naturally, the person who takes the leading part in the enactment of law must know the people’s requirements. In Bentham’s society the legislator had a very crucial part to play.

Now we shall quote him:

“The end and aim of legislator should be the happiness of the people. In matters of legislation, general utility should be his guiding principle. The science of legislation consists in determining what makes for the good of the particular community whose interests are at stake, while its art consists in contriving some means of realisation. To apply this principle with complete efficiency, that is, to make the very foundation of a system of reasoning.”

The legislator is the most effective instrument for realizing the greatest happiness of t
he greatest number. As to his skillfulness he is to be universally recognized. With the help of his skillfulness he can rear the fabric of felicity by the hands of reason and law.

The legislator needs to know only the special circumstances of time and place that have produced peculiar customs and habits. The legislator with his weapon of law-making power can control the customs and habits by imposing penalties.

Why did Bentham want a complete subordination of customs and habits to man- made laws? In fact, this constitutes a major part of his theory of jurisprudence. He believed that history was full of crimes and follies of mankind.

So the habits and customs behind which there was no reason and which were not guided by the principle of utility could not be the basis of scientific jurisprudence. In his judgment connection between law and utility is essential because only this can give law a scientific foundation. It also makes law practical.

How is the utility of legislation to be measured? Bentham’s categorical reply is it is to be measured in terms of its effectiveness, the cost of its enforcement and, in general, by its consequences.

That is, how much a law is advantageous or disadvantageous to a community that shall be decided by the consequences created by law? The chief function of the law is to allocate the penalties to produce desirable results. Law, in other words, prevents the undesirable activities and enhances the scope of pleasure.

In this connection we can refer to Bentham’s views of obligation. The citizens are bound to obey law if it is in conformity with their utility. That is, it gives them pleasure and saves them from pain. But Bentham does not forget to point out that the legislator cannot enact a law which is going to violate morality and even if he legislates such a law the citizens are not obliged to show respect to such laws,

Bentham recognizes the right to property because it provides security and enables men to calculate pain and pleasure. But law should be so enacted as to ensure a comparatively equal distribution of property.

If it is not possible the law can make attempt to stop the arbitrary inequalities. It implies that Bentham was not strictly in favour of equal distribution of property. Bentham’s contemporary socio­economic political situation was not ripe for equal distribution of property. How­ever, the purpose of property would be to provide security and law must aim at that.

The law will check the criminal activities through the imposition for penalties. He asserts that in all cases the pain of punishment shall exceed the gain received from violating the law or committing the crime.

If it is possible to introduce this criminal activities will come down. Bentham wanted to abolish the savage methods of penalties which were quite ineffective.

Commenting on Bentham’s theory of law Sabine says “Bentham’s jurisprudence, which was not only the greatest of his works but one of the most remarkable intellectual achievements of the nineteenth century.”

Bentham’s theory of law consists of systematic view of civil and criminal law and also procedural law. He wanted to reform the entire judicial system so as to meet the needs of a changing society.

In his theory of law we find clear influence of the middle class standpoint. From Bentham’s theory of law and other concepts we can make certain views about his attitude towards obligation.

An individual is obliged to carry out the order of authority or obey the law if both meet the requirements of pleasure and avoidance of pain. If citizens find that the law of the legislator or decision of the authority goes against the attainment of pleasure and in favour of the enhancement of pain they may refuse to show obligation.

Though Bentham has not clearly stated this in clear terms, we can formulate it from his analysis. He has said that the aim of the legislator is to augment pleasure. But, if he fails, what will happen? The silence of Bentham is quite significant.

5. Concept of State:

The state, according to Bentham and his followers, is a group of persons organized for the promotion and maintenance of utility—that is, to achieve greatest happiness or pleasure of the greatest number. Bentham had no interest in the investigation regarding the origin of state. He started his analysis with the presumption that there existed a political organization—state—by name. He then proceeds to explain what would be its unction He had no interest in the metaphysical, religious or ethical pursuits of state.

The state should focus its attention to the enhancement of citizen’s pleasure or happiness. This is stark materialism. Later on Harold Laski said that the primary duty of state is to meet the effective demand of citizens.

Though pleasure and effective demand do not follow in the same category there is a fine and interesting link between the two.

Jeremy Bentham elsewhere said:

“The community is a fictitious body composed of individual persons who are considered constituting, as it were, its members. The interest of the community is what? -The sum of the interests of the several members who compose it. it is vain to talk of the interests of the community, without understanding what is the interest of the individual A thing is said to promote the interest or to be for the interest of an individual, when it tends to add to the sum total of his pleasures or, what comes to the same thing, to diminish the sum total of his pains.”

The most important duty of state, according to Bentham, is promotion of happiness and alleviation of pain and the state performs this duty through the implementation of laws that are enacted by the legislator.

Like Hobbes or Austin, Jeremy Bentham does not assign the law-making function to the absolute sovereignty e legislator will do the job and the administrative sector will implement it.

Therefore the law of the state is supposed to be an instrument which enables authority to increase pleasure and avoid pain. He also observes that the function of the state may curtail the freedom of individuals. But this is to be accepted because, according to Bentham, happiness is more important than liberty.

We, therefore, find that here is nothing in this world which may be compared with the pleasure of the individuals. Laws’ is a restraint on the unwanted functions of some elements or persons. We, therefore, find that the law and the state are the chief actor’s in the field of attaining happiness and avoiding pleasure.

It has already been indicated that the state is the only creator of law. So the state is the supreme authority. We can say that Bentham’s state is the sovereign state. In the words of Way per “It is the hallmark of a sovereign state that nothing it does can be illegal”.

Jeremy Bentham assumes that neither the law of nature nor the law of reason can limit the power of the state. His apprehension is that if the power of the state is limited, the greatest happiness principle may be affected. If the state fails to fulfill the demand of happiness its very justification will be at stake.

The state is not only the source of law; it is also the source of rights. In his opinion there is no such thing as natural rights, it is simply a figment of imagination. Natural rights are, simply, nonsense. Without state there cannot be any existence of rights.

Again, without state the realization of rights is impossible. This view of rights has been highly acclaimed by many.

We may add a few words to his view on obedience to state. As such the individual-has no right against the state or he cannot defy the order of the state on any flimsy ground. But if he finds that his continued obedience gives him more pain and less’ pleasure, he can disobey the state. Only on this ground he admits disobedience. The obligation of the individual to the state depends upon to what extent the latter is able to give pleas
ure and alleviate pain.

In Aristotle, the state was prior to individual. In Bentham, the individual is prior to state. His individual is endowed with reason and rationality and can make distinction between pain and pleasure, right and wrong.

He can also calculate pleasure and pain. He even existed before the state. So the place of the state cannot be higher than that of the individual. The individuals do not exist for the state but the state exists for them. Bentham’s state is, therefore, a trustee for the individuals.

Bentham’s state stands for equal rights and equality in other respects. People enjoy not only equal rights, but they are also equal before law. He also suggests equality of property. When he speaks of equality he does not mean that there can be no inequality in the state.

The inequality is inevitable in any real state, but too much of inequality is a hindrance to the attainment of happiness. “He recognized, and he was right in recognizing, that a society which is without gross inequalities of fortune is happier than one which is not”.

Bentham’s state is fundamentally a negative one. Its task is to maximize the happiness or pleasure and the state does it through the splendid weapon of law. But the state does not take any step to change the character of the individual.

He does not recognize that happiness can be augmented by taking some positive steps which will change the character of the individuals. The state imagined by Bentham is not a place to develop what is best in him. He does not assign that function to the state. Wayper concluded – “For it is not the state that moulds the citizens, it is the citizens that mould the state”.

6. Idea of Democracy:

From the writings of Bentham we come to know that he wanted a powerful state. But this does not lead one to conclude that he was a supporter of autocracy. He was democratic-minded. His state is a democratic state. We have already noted that he did not believe in natural rights. He spoke of the rights created by the state.

Every individual has equal rights in his state. This means he also admitted equality. Every man has the right to claim the greatest happiness and it is the primary duty of any state worthy of its name to fulfil that demand. It will be a useless institution if it fails to perform this fundamental task.

Benthamite democracy proceeds from the assumptions that every man has right and that he is a rational being and so he can judge what is his real happiness and how he can get the greatest happiness. He also assumed of equality—although not in its absolute from. Two kinds of equality were active in the mind of Bentham.

The first is one man’s happiness must count for as much as another’s. This is an equality of right. Second, every man is apt to be the best judge of his own interest which is a sort of natural equality. This indicates that so far as right and equality are concerned Bentham has made his position clear and this makes him in the eyes of his readers a great democrat.

Jeremy Bentham wanted to reduce the interference of the government with individual’s affairs to the lowest level. That is, his government is a limited one. It cannot control all the spheres of human activity.

He believed that an all-powerful state cannot ensure the greatest happiness for its citizens in the largest number. In this sense his government is a negative one the role is not constructive but negative.

The first duty of the government is to ensure that men get in each other’s way as little as possible. The government cannot directly increase the happiness of its subjects.

What it can do is that it will remove the hindrances by ensuring the proper implementation of laws. When the government interferes with individuals affairs it does it for the benefit of the entire society, not for particular person or group of persons. It forbids certain kinds of behaviour and encourages others.

His attitude towards democracy and allied ideas reveals that he was in great favour of representative form of democracy. Of course, it is quite natural for him, because in the second half of eighteenth century this type of democracy was accepted by British people and was very popular. He also believed that this type of democracy would be able to meet the requirements of people.

Only such a government is able to conciliate the individual interests with common interests. Moreover, the representative government will take active interest in furthering general welfare or happiness of the people on the ground that if they fell to do it they will lose power.

In the representative form of democracy, people will get chance to test their power of judgment and exercise the in political right. He also believed that a representative democracy would not dare to work for the benefit of any particular section.

He did not stop in suggesting a representative democracy. He strongly argued for radical reforms in the electoral system, votes for women, annual Parliament and secret ballot. The members of the Parliament should be mere delegates and the Prime Minister should be chosen by the Parliament. He recommended the appoint­ment of civil servants through competitive examination.

The government, according to Bentham, is a necessary evil. He advised his countrymen to keep a watch upon the activities of the government. People must see that the government is doing its duties.

As Jeremy Bentham grew older his suspicion for government’s ability to meet the demands and to follow the democratic values and norms increased considerably.

Though he had great faith in the British type of representative democracy he was quite suspicious of its inability. A powerful government might jeopardise the realisation of basic rights and thereby attainment of pleasure and alleviation of pain.

His suggestion was that people must always be alert and watch the activities of the government. He said that it was the duty of the people to protect their own rights and to see that their happiness is not jeopardised.

If we look at what Bentham had said about democracy, happiness and pain, it will be found that his attention was always focused on the interests of the rising middle class. He had unlimited sympathy for this class.

In his time there were middle class, capitalist class and also working class. There were large number of educated men in the middle class and the members of this class were eager to have a share in the administration.

This inspired him to support representative form of government. Bentham was against the House of Lords, because its members were not elected by the people. His theory of utilitarianism was built up to protect the interests of the middle class. Common men generally fight for the maintenance of their physical existence and not for the enhancement of pleasure.

Influence of Bentham on Political Thought:

While estimating Bentham’s influence we are faced with a clear paradox. He is not an outstanding philosopher. Nor did he invent any principle nor propound any theory In spite of this he occupies an important place in the history of political thought. This is the paradox.

Wayper remarks:

“He took his theory of knowledge from Locke and Hume, the pleasure and pain principle from Helvetius, the notion of sympathy and antipathy from Hume, the idea of utility from any of half a score of writers. Lacking originality and full of prejudice in his speculations, he is as confused and contradictory in his own theoretical adventures as he is complacent”.

Wayper has also criticized the opening sentences of the Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. In his view, these sentences make no meaning. Bentham tries to remove confusion but, instead, creates chaos.

He never explains what is exactly meant by the sovereign mastery of pleasure and pain. Yet this concept constit
utes the central part of his political philosophy.

Maxey observes that the weakest points of Bentham’s philosophy are that his psychology is inadequate and his reconciliation of individual and community satisfactions is unsuccessful. He has failed to go into the deep of human psychology.

He has probed only a part of it. In this sense we cannot say that his diagnosis is a complete one.

Even some critics say that he had not the intellectual capacity to draw a comprehensive picture of human psychology. Others hold the view that he was clearly biased to the middle class interests.

In fact, his political ideas have centred around the aims and ambitions of the British middle class people which arose out of Industrial Revolution. Bentham’s philosophy and reform proposals are for the rising middle class, not for the entire society. The capitalist class was already well-established.

It is the opinion of other critics that, like Hobbes and Locke, Bentham lent his support to the bourgeois class. The persons who are completely free from every problems and necessities can think of pleasure and pain.

Only these persons can pursue their happiness. He wanted to reduce the interference of the state to a minimum level considering the interests of the bourgeoisie. His argument for equality of property is simply eyewash. He never wanted it sincerely and he also knew that it was impossible.

Like Hobbes, Bentham has emphasized upon security. He wanted the security of property. His main concern was pleasure and pain. He has not uttered a single word against the evils of industrialization.

Jeremy Bentham has not suggested anything about how to save the society from these evils. Some people say that he had an intention to redistribute property for bringing about equality. But this cannot be said that he was an advocate of socialism. Rather, he was the classical supporter of bourgeois state.

When all this is said about the drawbacks of Bentham something and even far more than this can be said in his support. Maxey says that here was a doctrine to rock the foundations of all accredited political theory. With the help of ruthless logic Bentham brushed aside the radical and conservative thought.

He denied the feudal right, divine right, historical right, natural right and contractual right. In his view there is only one type of right and this is constitutional right or the state, created right, In this sense—Bentham is, no doubt, a radical philosopher.

Bentham’s contribution in the field of jurisprudence is worthy of mention, particularly his criminal jurisprudence. In this field his influence was immediate and’ lasting. “No man did more to unravel the complexities of medieval law or introduce simplicity, clarity and practical good sense into legal thinking”.

Though Bentham’s theory of utility suffers from a number of drawbacks its importance cannot be ignored. It paves the path of a welfare state. A government cannot ignore the welfare of its citizens.

What we call welfare of general public; Bentham has called it happiness or pleasure. When the welfare is achieved people will be happy.

Bentham thought that the growing influence of capitalists cornered the middle class people and men of other sections. He was sure that this process must be stopped; otherwise the progress of society would be a simple myth. This also indicates that the state can claim obedience from citizens if it can meet their requirements. In this way men can get happiness.

The interpreters of Benthamite philosophy have stressed the point that his views must be treated in larger perspective and not simply in the formula of pleasure and pain. That is why Maxey correctly observes that it is the duty of the government to justify itself through its functions and responsibility towards the citizens. In other words, it is the duty of the government to serve the people in the maximum possible ways.

Ebenstein has paid high tribute to Bentham. He says that one of Bentham’s richest legacies of government is his awareness that good government is more than a matter of tradition, common sense etc.

it needs a foundation of preliminary research and investigation. Any government of the modern age gives more empha­sis upon research and investigation and, in fact, the investigation has become the fourth organ of the government.

Jeremy Bentham was the first philosopher who carefully treated the investigative aspect of the government. A government is no longer the day-to-day affair of simple dimensions confining itself to the maintenance of law and order.

It must see the consequences of its policies and approach. He applied an empirical and critical method of investigation. Here lies the credit of Bentham.

In 1948, the bicentennial of Bentham was celebrated in England and Times of London made the following observation:

“Bentham still exerts a posthumous despotism over English politics and on the whole it is a benevolent despotism.”

From the beginning of the nineteenth century Bentham’s idea and philosophy worked behind all the reforms and policies of the British government.

Bentham’s influence crossed the territorial boundary of England. The procedure of the French Assembly was based largely on a sketch by Bentham. The political and legal proposals of Bentham influenced many French thinkers and statesmen.

His doctrine created enthusiasm in America and Russia, Portugal and Spain. The legal codes of many countries were revised according to the advice of Bentham. He proposed to the President of USA in 1811 to draw up a scientific code of law.

The English and American lawyers throughout the nineteenth century strictly followed the analytic jurisprudence and they knew that John Austin and his school were the founders of this system. But, in the words of Sabine Austin did little more than bring together systematically ideas that were scattered through Bentham’s voluminous works.

Towards the end of his life Bentham was a great critic of monarchy and aristocracy. In these two forms of government, Bentham thought, the personal interests of the governors always got precedence over the collective interests of the society.

These two types of government neglected the welfare projects and from this he came to the conclusion that it was impossible for monarchy and aristocracy to implement the radical changes aiming at the common good of community.

Only a democratic form of government can do it. Liberal democracy, it is said, received the best treatment at the hands of Bentham.

Wayper observes that the great captains of Industrial Revolution were demand­ing that the efficiency, cheapness and uniformity—which they worshipped in their industrial undertakings—should also be introduced into government and law. But they were unwilling to accept the conservative philosophy of Edmund Burke and his respect for landed nobility.

They had, of course, no respect for anarchism of Godwin and Shelley. They did not like Jacobinical principles and Natural Rights.

They wanted reforms which would be sensible and practical and far-reaching without being too far-reaching, reform which would acknowledge the movement of power from the aristocracy to themselves without doing anything to encourage its further movement from themselves to masses.

Jeremy Bentham and his followers were also demanding uniformity, cheapness and efficiency. The captains of Industrial Revolution got their answer in the writings and proposals of Bentham.

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[PDF] Political Ideas that Emerged from American Revolution

After reading this article you will learn about the political ideas that emerged from American revolution.

If we go through the various aspects of political ideas that emerged from American Revolution the following can be treated as main. Locke’s social contract and constitutionalism had a resounding impact upon the Americans and their fight for independence.

The following observation has been made by a person who had thorough knowledge about American Revolution (henceforth only A. R.). He writes – “Jefferson copied Locke and Locke quoted Hooker. In political theory and in political practice the American Revolution drew its inspiration from the parlia­mentary struggle of the seventeenth century”. But the influence of Locke was not confined to the Declaration of Independence; it was felt in the ideas and often the phrasing of State Declarations and Constitutions.

He was quoted in the Federal Convention of 1787. Indeed there was a natural harmony between Locke’s ideas and those of the nineteenth century United States. The mere fact was that the freedom fighters and constitution makers—all-drew their inspiration from the political ideas of Locke. In fact, John Locke was the invisible architect of the American constitution.

Maxey in his Political Philosophy observes that when the settlers covenanted among themselves, as in the Mayflower Compact and the Fundamental Orders of Connecticut, there was no doubting the contractual character of the mutuality of obligation between subjects and rulers.

The British king exercised his monarchical power over the Americans through his various agencies and they were forced to accept the monarchical sovereignty. But the argument of the Americans was that the king could not exercise his sovereign power in this way that unilaterally.

Both the exercise and the acceptance of the sovereign power depend upon the willingness of the Americans because it is a type of mutual covenant between the subjects and the ruler. Unilateral exercise of power was strongly resented by American.

There is another aspect of political ideas that came out of A. R. Maxey says –

“Political authority was both ascending and descending phenomenon. By compact it ascended from the governed through the consent of will, by delegation from the sovereign it also descended from the above.”

The American colonists viewed the power of the British king in this perspective. They never thought that the power of the king is absolute.

The exercise of the power by the king depends upon the terms and conditions of the contract. The law of the body politic is the final authority and hence it is binding on all.

Maxey again writes:

“the colonists came to think of sovereignty as vested, not in a certain person or body of persons, but in the fundamental law of the body politic”.

This view of the colonists is the basis of the constitutionalism. That is, both the ruler and the ruled are under the same law of the body politic.

We can remember that Locke was the father of constitutionalism. A very important aspect of his social contract is, men, coming from the state of nature, formulated certain basic laws and it was categori­cally stated that both the government and the governed would abide by the laws. This is also called the sovereignty of the constitution which practically constitutes the central idea of American constitutional system. Even today we have accepted it.

The concept of civil society can also be regarded as the product of A. R. Following Locke the colonists said the they had already formed a civil society which was far better than the state of nature. In that state of nature there was neither liberty nor security to life and property. For the attainment of these basic needs they have formed civil society.

But the activities of the British government had thrown them to utter despair. Again, the British government had no right to scuttle the very idea of civil society. Again, through civil society they want to achieve democracy.

Through the formation of civil society and establishment of constitutionalism the Americans were determined to achieve the fruits of democracy. But the autocratic manner and functioning of British government was about to frustrate the noble objectives of colonists.

Locke also stated that the obligation to authority is not unconditional, but conditional—which implies that so long the government or authority discharges its functions according to the constitution, the citizens must show their obligation to the authority. The leaders of the American Revolution once again emphasized it.

Their clear view was that the British monarchy or its representatives had no right to take decision and to implement it without the consent of the inhabitants of colonies. Particularly the British Parliament has no right to neglect the views of colonies. In his Commonwealth of Oceana (1656) Harrington categorically stated that obligation can never be unconditional.

There are also other important ideas that came out of the A. R. and these subsequently formed the basis of their constitution. The revolutionaries of America learnt some very important lessons from their long struggle against the foreign power. One such lesson is that there is nothing like absolute truth. Everything passes through trial and error.

What is right and what is wrong will be decided by the people in a democratic method. No outside power can impose anything upon the people. Barack Obama in his The Audacity of Hope has said that people’s voice is the final authority and this has been incorporated in the Constitution.

He further says that the constitution is based on the concept of “deliberative democracy” whose main constituents are separation of powers, checks and balances, federalist princi­ples and Bill of Rights.

Maxey has drawn our attention to another aspect of A. R.; “Democracy gained a place in the colonial political thought not through the preference of colonists for democratic principles in theory but through their actual experience in community life. …No political or ecclestastical hierarchy was allowed to mediate between the individual and his God”. The freedom fighters were largely influenced by the democratic thought and ethos. In fact, democracy was their guiding force. In his above-noted book Barack Obama has drawn our attention to this aspect.

Another aspect of American democracy is federalism or the federal structure of the United States. The colonies enjoyed freedom before the formation of the United States and even after the formation they will continue the freedom. Nothing will be imposed upon the colonies. We know that the revolutionaries were against any type of application of force and after freedom/independence that has been kept intact. Today we say that American federal system is ideal and this ideality is enshrined in the constitution.

Locke said that in the state of nature people were not quite happy though it was not nasty and brutish. They (people of state of nature) were passing through certain inconveniences such as there was no impartial authority to decide right and wrong to protect the natural rights.

The great fathers of the constitution have made an elaborate arrangement for the protection of the basic human rights through the institution of an impartial judiciary. Locke thought that the government of the civil society would perform the job; the architects of the constitution authorized the highest court to do the job.

Being influenced by Locke and Montesquieu the framers introduced the separation of powers into the constitution. Hence we hold the view that the basic principles of political thought were derived from Locke and Montesquieu as well as apathy to British imperialism.

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