[PDF] Essay on Development Administration | Public Administration

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Essay on Development Administration


Essay Contents:

  1. Essay on the Meaning of Development Administration
  2. Essay on the Concept of Development Administration
  3. Essay on the Characteristics of Development Administration
  4. Essay on the Scope of Development Administration
  5. Essay on the Role of Bureaucracy in Development Administration

Essay # 1. Meaning of Development Administration:

Edward Weidner defined it as “the process of guiding an organisation toward the achievement of progressive political, economic and social objectives that are authoritatively determined in one manner or the other”.

Merle Fairsoul regarded development administration as “a carrier of innovating values…It embraces the array of new functions assumed by developing countries embarking on the path to modernization and industrialisation.

Development administration involves the establishment of machinery for planning economic growth and mobilizing and allocating resources to expand national income.” To Montgomery, development administration connotes “carrying planned change in the economy or capital infrastructure and to a lesser extent in the social services especially health and education.”

In the above definitions, development administration is used in two inter-related senses. First, it refers to the administration of development programmes, and the methods used by large- scale organisation, notably government to implement policies and plans designed to meet these developmental objectives.

Second, it, “by implication, rather than directly, involves the strengthening of administrative capabilities.” These two aspects of development administration, i.e., administration of development and development of administration are intertwined in most definitions of the term.” Riggs observes, “Administration cannot normally be improved very much without changes in the environmental constraints (the infrastructure) that hampers its effectiveness and the environment itself cannot be changed unless the administration of development programmes is strengthened.”

Donald Stone has analyzed the concept of development administration in terms of plans, policies, programmes and projects towards the achievement of developmental goals.

In his own words, “Broadly, development administration is concerned with achieving national development. The goals, values and strategies of change may vary but there always are generic processes through which agreement on goals is reached and plans, policies, programmes, and projects (4 Ps) are formulated and implemented. Development administration, therefore, is concerned primarily with the tasks and processes of formulating and implementing the four P’s in respect to whatever mixture of goals and objectives may be politically determined.”

Bata K. Dey remarks “Development is a total plan of action to bring about a decided or guided change in all aspects of social activity geared to national progress with a heavy import of achievement of programmatic goals” Pai Panandiker portrays Development administration as administration of planned change.

To sum up, development administration is concerned with:

(i) The formulation and implementation of plans, policies, programmes and projects for national development, and

(ii) Development of administrative machinery and processes adequately suited to the task of national development. It is “an action-oriented and goal-oriented administrative system.”

Though there are many scholars who have defined Development administration in their own way yet the major thrust has been rivotted on it being action oriented, goal oriented ad­ministrative system’s change oriented result oriented citizen participative oriented.”


Essay # 2. Concept of Development Administration:           

Development administration as a concept is a by-product of the comparative study of public administration in developing countries which are making efforts to attain self-generated economic growth.

The term is of recent origin. It was first coined by U.L. Goswami in 1955, but the formal recognition to it was given when the Comparative Administration Group of the American Society for Public Administration and the Committee on Comparative Politics of the Social Sciences Research Council of the U.S.A. laid its intellectual foundations.

The scholars popularizing this concept are Fred. W. Riggs, Edward W. Weidner, Joseph La Polombara, Albert Waterson etc.

The emergence of welfare state and the end of colonial era are the two significant changes in the present century. After the Second World War a number of countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America emerged as independent states.

During colonial regime these countries were stricken with poverty, hunger, ignorance, inequality and backwardness. After getting political freedom from their colonial masters, they started moving from an undeveloped or underdeveloped economy to developed economy.

In the process they had to pass through the stage of developing economy. Thus, these countries are called developing countries faced with numerous problems of under­development. Their main task is to bring about socio-economic transformation through planned change.

Since conventional administration both as a discipline and as a field of applied tech­nologies is concerned more with ‘system improvement’, the need was felt to develop a separate branch of public administration which would concentrate its study to the socio-economic and administrative problems of developing countries. Hence the notion of development administra­tion was conceptualized.


Essay # 3. Characteristics of Development Administration:

What has been said so far, gives the reader an idea about the nature of the development administration.

The following characteristics may, however, be pointed out:

(i) Socio-Economic Change:

The development administration is mainly concerned with socio-economic change. It is the special orientation which distinguishes it from traditional ad­ministration which is basically concerned with maintenance of status quo.

(ii) Goal Orientation and Innovation:

Development administration is action-motivated and innovative. It is oriented to the achievement of certain pre-determined goals. Its perfor­mance is directly related to productivity. It is concerned with the will to develop, the mobilization of existing and new resources and the cultivation of appropriate skills to achieve the develop­ment goals.

(iii) Commitment:

In development administration, the organisational role expectation is commitment to socio-economic change and concern for completing time-bound programmes. Bureaucracy is expected to be “involved” and emotionally attached to the jobs they are called to perform.

It requires attitudinal change. The civil service should shed away its procedural rigidi­ties, of a law and order state Police state and change its attitudes and values to meet the de­mands of new developmental responsibilities.  

(iv) Client Orientation:

Another characterist
ic of development administration is that it is client-oriented. It has to be positively oriented towards satisfying the needs of the people in specific target groups like backward classes, tribal groups, scheduled castes, workers and women etc. The people are not the passive beneficiaries, they are the active participants in the develop­ment of public welfare programmes.

Efforts are made to enlist the cooperation of non-govern­mental agencies in the formulation and implementation of policies, programmes and projects for national development. Many a programme of social welfare like family planning, community development cannot be successful without people’s active participation.

(v) Time Frame-Work:

Time is of great significance in developmental administration as socio-economic changes have to be brought as quickly as possible. The development programmes are prepared for a certain time-frame say, five years, and must be completed within that period. Modern technologies are used and new organizations are created for undertaking many types of economic and social functions.

The Planning Commission is one such big organization. The Departments of Community Development, Women and Child Welfare, Social Welfare and Rural Development are some other new organizational set up with defined objectives and functions relating to national development.

To sum up, development administration is an innovative administration acquiring new skills and new ideas. It emphasizes on group performance and inter-group collaboration rather than on individual performance.

It involves employing of trained manpower and improving the existing staff, using of sophisticated aids to decision-making and adopting empirical approach to problem solving as well as problem finding. It also involves an interdisciplinary approach taking help from varied social and physical sciences, like economics, demography, statistics, mathematics and computer science etc.


Essay # 4. Scope of Development Administration:

Developments administration is the administration of development and development of administration. Thus, it encompasses all such activities of the government which are initiated to accelerate the national development in the economic, social and political fields as well as administrative development.

To Riggs, the scope of development administration extends to all those areas in which a government makes efforts to carry out programmes designed to reshape its physical, human and cultural environment and also the struggle to enlarge a government’s capacity to engage in such programmes.

Fred W. Riggs, in fact is one of the most innovative advocates of the theory. He considers ‘development as a process of increasing autonomy (discretion) of social systems made possible by using level of distraction….’ Discretion according to him is the ability to choose among alternatives while diffraction refers to the degree of differentiation and integration in a social system.

To describe, the scope of development administration includes the following areas:

(i) Extension and Community Services:

These services constitute a form of partnership between the government agencies and the people. The government provides technical, institutional or financial services while the people through voluntary organisations provide active participation to make the operational services successful.

The development administration is based on the realization that community participation in the task of national development is a sine qua non.

Thus, development administration makes investigation of social situations, ascer­tains better devices and instruments for dealing with social disabilities, psychological handicaps and formulates comprehensive social and economic policies.

(ii) Programme Planning:

After the formulation of comprehensive social and economic policies, another main task of development administration is programme planning. This involves an accurate analysis of available supplies and inputs and their management in such a way as to obtain the optimum outputs.

Much of the failure in development administration is due to faulty programme planning either on account of lack of measurement and systematic estimation of available resources or political pressures.

(iii) Project Management:

Another area of development administration is project management. The present trend is towards high cost projects whether it is in the field of irrigation, power or energy, environmental pollution, and production of goods etc. The Tehri Dam Project, Kamal Refinery Project. Kavery Project, are some such examples.

The major projects require high investments in men, money, materials and organisation. They call for decisions and procedures which would facilitate their preparation and execution. They are undoubtedly a major challenge to the administrative and technical capacity.

The life-cycle of a project from inception to operation contains well marked stages such as project definition and pre-construction phase, construction-management, and operation-management.

The need for sound techniques and methods required in each phase is well-established. Any failure on this account may spell havoc, e.g. there is a controversy about the solid foundation of Tehri Dam Project, whether it is located in earthquake prone area. It is but essential that this aspect must be scientifically analyzed without any political prejudices or extraneous considerations.

It is also important to recognize that project authorities face several problems beyond their power, which can only be resolved by the agencies at governmental level. The government administration must, accordingly ensure that such projects have the requisite organization, competent top-level personnel and boards of directors with the necessary authority.

Project management being a highly technical matter should not be subjected to political considerations or bureaucratic procedures.

(iv) Area Development:

By area development we mean the socio-economic development of a particular area like tribal area, hilly area or any backward area. Earlier it was assumed that the problems arising at area level can be adequately dealt with by focal people and institutions.

It was not recognized that area development is linked with national development and needs planning at state level, of course, in consultation with local people and agencies.

The govern­ment now provides a framework within which the local agencies like panchayats, block samitis or municipal committees and voluntary organizations at area level act on their own.

The govern­ment extends them grants-in-aid to strengthen their financial position and sort out effectively local problems pertaining to health hygiene supply of water maintenance of parks and gardens and provision of roads etc. Local problems are part of national problems, looked at in terms of given areas and communities.

They are of no less concern to development administration than problems at the state and national level.

(v) Personnel Development:

It is also the responsibility of development administration to ensure availability of trained personnel at each level, organize training, make effective use of trained personnel and adopt improved methods of planning and management.

It would, there­fore, be necessary for development administration to organize training programmes and carry out research in the various aspects of management like policy formulation, decision-making, coordination, supervision, direction etc.

Riggs observes Development Administration as a goal oriented administration – an ad­ministration which is engaged in the task of achieving progressive political, economic and social goals. Hence he holds “administrative development refers to the increase in the capabili­ties of our administration system to achieve the prescribed goals “.


Essay # 5. Role of Bureaucracy in Development Administration:

Development administration is concerned not only with the administration of development but also with the development of administration. The development of adminis­tration means development of administrative machinery and processes suited to the task of na­tional development. Only through an effective administrative system can the goals of socio­economic development and nation-building be achieved.

The government being the principal planner, financier, promoter and director of national development depends on bureaucracy for its functioning. Therefore, the role of bureaucracy as an agent of socio-economic change be­comes important in the development process.

Some thinkers like Robert K. Merton, Alvin Gouldner, Robert V. Presthus, Warren Bennis have questioned the role of bureaucracy in the development administration. Warren Bennis goes to the extent of saying that bureaucracy is likely to go out of use in the wake of new social system.

Mohit Bhattacharya states that “The Weberian model, according to the critics, is subject to dysfunctional consequences of failings to take into account the individual or behavioural aspects of the people who work within the organization system. It has been observed that the organizational design at best can function in a stable environmental situation. In an unstable environment, as in the course of management of development the structure will be unsuitable to meet the demands of the situation.”

It may be pointed out that in many developing countries, the economic and political situations are unstable.

Joseph La Palombara writes, “The time is evidently past when public officials are expected to sit on the developmental side lines, limiting their roles to fixing of general rules and to providing certain basic services and incentives for those private entrepreneurs who are the major players in the complicated and exciting game of fashioning profound changes in economic and social system… The bureaucracies except for minor and other changes have confined their roles to the fixing up of legal framework. They have remained more or less bound by hierarchy, functioning in accordance with predetermined laws, rules and procedures.”

Dwivedi and Jain write, “Most studies of public administration in developing countries have stressed the viewpoint that the band of officials who have been brought up and trained in the colonial administrative culture, wedded to Weberian characteristics of hierarchy, status and rigidity in the adherence of rules and concerned mainly with the enforce­ment of law and order and collection of revenues, were quite unfit to perform the duties ex­pected in the changed situation of an administration geared to the task of development.”

The point to emphasize is that after the end of colonial rule, the emerging free states- called the Third World Countries started the process of socio-economic development which led to phenomenal expansion of bureaucracy and the rise of a new class, a bureaucratic bourgeoisie in many of these countries. This class soon acquired social and political paramountcy on account of the various political and social factors.

This new class was western oriented and trained in western methods of administration.

With the aid of western countries in the form of training abroad and financial assistance for development projects, this new class of administrators was able to establish bureaucratic authoritarianism and hierarchical formalism which substituted for mass mobilization and popular participation—the two essential ingredients of development administration.

Riggs says that the speed of change in different functional sectors of developing countries is not uniform.

“Development in public administration (technics) takes place more rapidly than in political institutions like the political executive, legislative, electoral processes etc. This makes bureaucracy more dominant in the developing societies and it exercises disproportionate influence resulting in several serious consequences.”

Ferrel Heady has identified the following major characteristics of bureaucracy in develop­ing countries:

(i) The basic pattern of administration is imitative rather than indigenous;

(ii) The bureaucracies are deficient in skilled manpower necessary for development programme;

(iii) They work for the realization of goals other than the achievement of programme ob­jectives;

(iv) There is widespread discrepancy between form and reality;

(v) Operational autonomy.

The above characteristics portray bureaucracy as hierarchical, unresponsive to public needs, unrepresentative of the population at large and elitist in character. O. Glenn Stahl lists some factors which continue to influence the public administration in most of the developing countries.

These are cultural constraints, former colonial status, en­trenched elites, low prestige of specialists, brain drain and government in almoner i.e. govern­ment distributing money and help to the poor.

Despite the fact that bureaucracy in developing countries is ill-prepared and ill-motivated for the tasks lying before it, the fact remains that in most of these countries it is the major instrument of social change.

Eisenstaedt observes that bureaucracies in developing countries “helped to maintain the framework of a unified polity as well as the capacity to absorb varied demands and to relate them effectively. Not only were they important instruments for unification and centralization, but they enabled the rulers to implement continuous policy. In addition, they also served as important instruments for mobilization of resources, taxes, manpower and political support.”

There is no basic conflict between bureaucracy and development. No doubt, at present it suffers from certain structural weaknesses and behavioural attitudes, nevertheless, given right orientation in the new content, bureaucracy can be structurally and behaviourally geared to the task of development.

The following changes among others may be helpful to fit bureaucracy into developmental tasks:

(i) There should be de-emphasis of hierarchy to get rid of the conventional organizational pyramid.

(ii) There is need to redesign organizations to enable cooperative decision-making and promote collaborative problem-solving.

(iii) Authority should be decentralized and field units should be strengthened and given more authority for decision-making.

(iv) There should be free flow of communication unhindered by status-levels in the organization.

(v) Merit alone should be the criterion for recruitment of personnel. Adequate arrange­ments for training should exist.

(vi) Bureaucracy must secure people’s participation and cooperation in development work.

(vii) Behavioural changes are needed to make the bureaucracy change-oriented, result- oriented and people-oriented.

(viii) Professional mobility should be encouraged.


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[PDF] Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy | Political Science

Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy as enumerated in part III and part IV respectively of the Constitution are the two sides of the same coin. One without the other is incomplete and unfulfilled. The fundamental rights ensure political democracy while the directive principles ensure economic and social democracy.

The objective of the fundamental rights is to provide congenial environment for the fullest development of the personality of the Indian citizens. For the fulfillment of this objective the individual has been given a good number of freedoms. The objective of Directive Principles of State Policy is to provide the individual with socio­economic and political justice.

1. Justiciability:

The first major difference between Fundamental Rights and Directive Principle is that while the former are justiciable, the latter are non-justiciable. Article 32 gives to the people the right to constitutional remedies which guarantees the legal protection of these rights. People can move to the Supreme Court and high courts for the implementation of the fundamental rights. On the other hand directive principles are not enforceable.

Article 37 specifically mentions that provisions contained in this part (Part IV Directive Principles) shall not be enforceable by any court. Directive principles neither contain neither legal nor constitutional sanction nor provide for any method by which their non-implementation or violation can be got redressed by the people.

2. Nature of Instructions:

A vital difference between Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy is that while the former are of negative and the latter are of positive nature. Fundamental rights impose a number of limitations either on the citizens or on the state. They prohibit the state from doing something e.g. Article 15 states, “The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them,” Article 21 lays down that “No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty.” On the other hand Directive Principles are positive instructions to the state to attain or to do certain things e.g. to organise village panchayats, to check the concentration of wealth and resources, to introduce prohibition, to protect historical monuments to promote international peace etc.

3. Democratic System:

Fundamental Rights lay down the foundation of political democracy whereas the Directive principles lay down the foundation of economic democracy. The freedom of speech and expression, the freedom to form associations or unions, freedom to assemble peacefully etc. all provide for the operationalisation of a democratic system and are the essential political pillars of a democratic system. On other hand, the Directive Principles aim at the establishment of the socio-economic democratic system in India. Their aim is to put an end to all sorts of exploitation and to establish and maintain economic equality in the Indian Political System through appropriate legislation by the state.

4. Legal Superiority:

Fundamental rights are judicially supreme over the Directive Principles of State Policy. Fundamental Rights are enforceable. These have been given a priority of mention in the constitution. Directive Principles are non-enforceable principles which have been incorporated in the Constitution after the fundamental rights. These features are a source of legal superiority of the latter over the former.

In the event of a conflict between Part III and Part IV, the Supreme Court has always upheld the legal supremacy of the fundamental rights. In the case of the State of Madras, Vs. Champakam Dorairajan the Supreme Court held, “The directive principles of the state policy which were expressly made unenforceable by a court cannot over-ride the provisions of Part III which . . . . are made enforceable by appropriate writs, orders or directions under Article 32. The directive principles have to conform to and run subsidiary to the chapter on fundamental rights.”

In 1980, the Supreme Court while delivering judgement in the Minerva Mills case made it quite clear that the producedence or supremacy given to the Directive Principles over the fundamental rights according to the Forty Second constitutional amendments was wrong. The courts have accepted viewpoint that the directive principles are subsidiary and not supreme over the fundamental rights.

5. Operative:

Fundamental Rights have been achieved whereas Directive Principles are yet to be achieved. With the inauguration of the Constitution, part III containing the fundamental rights of the people become operative and people got these constitutionally guaranteed and enforceable rights since the day of the implementation of the constitution. On the other hand, the directive principles of state policy are yet to be attained. Some laws have been enacted to implement some of these principles but most these are yet to be secured by the state.

6. Pressure:

There is legal force behind Fundamental Rights whereas Directive Principles have the force public opinion. The constitution clearly vests the fundamental rights in a constitutional and legal basis and makes these provisions enforceable by the courts. These are binding on the state. Their violation is an offence. On other hand, Directive Principles have been denied a legal basis by the constitution. But the Directive Principles enjoy widespread support of public opinion. The State finds it essential to work for the implementation of these principles under the pressure of public opinion.

7. For State and Citizen:

Fundamental Rights are for citizen whereas Directive Principles are for state. The fundamental rights are given to the people of India so that they may be able to develop their personalities whereas Directive Principles are the directives for the state which would keep in view while formulating national policies. They guide the state in the formulation of national policy.

8. Conflicting:

Due to difference in the nature of fundamental rights and directive principles of state policy there has been tension in the mutual relationship between Part III and Part IV of the constitution. Fundamental rights as enshrined in Part III of the constitution the civil political dimension of Indian democracy. These stands constitutionally granted and guaranteed. The directive principles as enshrined in Part IV of the constitution constitute the socio-economic dimension of the Indian democracy which the state is to achieve through appropriate legislation.

No one as such can question the attempts of the state to implement the directive principles. However, the existence of some conflict between some of the fundamental rights and directive principles, at times, makes the attempts controversial. In the past, the Right to Equality, the Right to freedom and the Right to property as contained in Articles 14, 18, 19, 22 and 31 respectively often got involved in a controversy with several laws which were enacted by the state for implementing the Directive principles contained in articles 39 (b) and 39 (c) and others.

Before the deletion of the Right to Property [Art 19(1) and 31] from Part III i.e. before the enactment of 44th Amendment Act, there remained present a continuous conflict between it and the Directive Principles mentioned under Article 39. Article 19 (1) (g) guarantees the freedom to practice any profession or carry on any profession, trade or business but Article 47 calls upon the State to introduce prohibition and to ban cow slaught
er. Fundamental Rights do not include the right to work, education and public assistance but Article 41 of Part IV calls upon the State to make effective provisions for securing these.

Article 15 (1) prohibits discrimination. So is the case of Articles 29 (2) which holds that ‘No citizen shall be denied admission to an educational institution … on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or any to them”. These Articles often make the implementation of the Directive Principles under Article 46 difficult which all upon the State to take special care for protecting the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people. This feature has been a source of conflict between Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles.

Indian Constitution on the one hand declares that the Directive Principles of State Policy are not justiciable but on the other hand observes that these will be fundamental in the governance of the country. It makes a responsibility of the State to implement the Directive Principles through appropriate legislation. In doing so, government often finds itself limited by existence of constitutionally guarded and legally sanctioned fundamental right of the people.

Because of these two major reasons, there has been present the problem of relationship between the Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy. There exists a discernible difference between the perceptions of the Parliament and the Supreme Court over the issue of the relationship between these two vitally important parts of the Constitution.

The Parliament, while recognising the importance of Fundamental Rights, has all along been guided by the view that it was the responsibility of the State to implement the Directive Principles. Without implementing these Principles, the socio-economic dimension of India democracy is bound to remain incomplete and without it the State cannot achieve the objectives set-forth by the Constitution.

The Directive Principles of State Policy represent the will of the founding fathers, the demands of the public opinion and the imperative necessity of a democratic policy committed to secure the socialist goals through effective legislation. The attainment of Directive Principles is a sacred duty of the State. For discharging this responsibility the State can, if need be, amend the rights contained in the chapter of Fundamental Rights.

The Parliament has always asserted its right to amend every part of the Constitution in accordance with the procedure laid down in Article 368. It has upheld the view that Fundamental Rights can be amended if need be, for implementing the Directive Principles. In Golak Math Case, the Supreme Court gave the judgment that the Parliament cannot amend the chapter of Fundamental Rights, but the Parliament changed the judgment of Supreme Court by passing the 24th Amendment, 1971.

By this amendment, the Parliament reasserted that Fundamental Rights are amenable and that Parliament had the power to amend every part of the Constitution in accordance with Article 368. Similarly through the 25th Amendment 1972, the Parliament gave a serious blow to the right to property and in this matter limited the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. Article 31(c) was inserted which held that laws made by the Parliament and the State legislatures for implementing the Directive Principles contained in Article 39(b) and (c) could not be held void on the ground that these violated the Fundamental Rights mentioned in Articles 14, 19 and 31.

With the 42nd Constitutional Amendment 1976, the scope of Article 31 (c) was enlarged and provision was made that all the Directive Principles shall have primacy over the fundamental rights given under Articles 14, 19 and 31 and the laws passed with a view to enforce them shall not be declared void by any court on the ground that they are inconsistent with the fundamental rights given under Article 14, 19 and 31. In this way the Directive Principles secured precedence over the fundamental rights.

Under the 44th Constitutional Amendment, all the Directive Principles continued to enjoy primacy over fundamental rights given under Articles 14, 19 and 31. By this Amendment, the Right to Property was excluded from the list of fundamental rights and Articles 19(1) (f) and Article 31 connected with this right were deleted.

In the Minerva Mills vs. Indian Union case on May 3, 1980, the Supreme Court in one of its historic judgment once again gave precedence to Fundamental Rights over Directive Principles. The Supreme Court declared unconstitutional the section 4 of the 42nd Constitutional Amendment Acts, 1976 (which gave primary to Directive Principles over Fundamental Rights) on the ground that it was ultra-virus to the basic structure of the Constitution.

Under section 4, the scope of Article 31 (c) was enlarged and all the Directive Principles were given precedence over fundamental rights given under Articles 14, 19 and 31 of the Constitution with this verdict of the Supreme Court, the old position of the 42nd Constitutional Amendment 1976 was restored. Now the government will be able to make and enforce laws only on the directive principles given under Articles 39 (b) and 39 (c). If for other reasons the government deprives citizens of their fundamental rights, it can be challenged in the court.

Despite these developments, Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy are not inimical to each other but are complementary and supplementary to each other. Expressing his views about the relations of Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy, the former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of India, Justice Chandrachud has once said “Constitution aim at bringing about synthesis between Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy by giving to the former the place of pride and to the letter a place of performance. Together, not individually, they form the care of the Constitution together, not individually; they constitute its true conscience.” Under Article 143 of the Constitution in the Kerala Education Bill 1958, the Supreme Court, while using its advisory jurisdiction expressed the view that although Directive Principles are subsidiary to Fundamental Rights, even then, “In determining the scope and ambit of Fundamental Right relied on by or on behalf of any person or body, the court may not entirely ignore these Directive Principles but should adopt the principle of harmonious construction.”

A deep study of the Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy reveals that their aims is to establish in India a true democracy based on economic, social and political justice. There is no question of opposition between the Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles.

Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy are supplementary to each other. Article 19 of the Indian Constitution gives a right to adopt any profession, trade of business and Article 41 of the Indian Constitution concerned with the Directive Principles of State Policy, direct the State to strive to give work to each individual. Similarly, Article 29 (2) concerned with the Fundamental Rights provides; that no discrimination would be made on the basis of caste, color, race, religion and sex etc. at the time of giving admission in educational institutions and Article 45, concerned with the Directive Principles of State Policy, provides that within 10 years of the enforcement of the Indian Constitution, the Indian Government would made arrangements for the free and compulsory education of all children upto the age of 14 years.

Directive Principles are helpful in giving proper direction to fundamental rights. Rights are changed with the passage of time and Directive Principles of State Policy which have been embodied in the Indian Constitution keeping in view the demands of the future, help in giving proper direction to Fundamental Rights e.g. in order to implement Articles 39 (b) and 39 (c) concerned with the Directive Principles of State Policy,
44th constitutional amendment was passed which has made the Right to Property a mere legal right.

Article 39 (b) and (c) of the Indian Constitution provide for the control and ownership of means of material resources with the main aim of public good and to prevent the concentration of wealth in a few hands. Infact, the first, fourth twenty fourth and twenty fifth Amendments were passed with the aim of the implementation of the Directive Principles of State Policy.

Directive Principles make Fundamental Rights a reality. Article 23 and 24 of Indian Constitution empowers the Indian citizen with the right against exploitation but it is Article 38 (1) of the Constitution, concerned with the Directive Principles of State Policy which gives it a practical shape. Article 38 (1) provides that the State will strive for making such a social order which caters to the general welfare, in which social, economic and political justice will be made available to all the people of the country. With the establishment of such a welfare state the possibility of any sort of exploitation would end and a society without any exploitation will thus be formed.

The Directive Principles are helpful to the courts in the interpretation of Fundamental Rights. These Principles have guided the courts of the country. In 1952 while delivering the judgment in the case of Kameshwar Singh Vs. the State of Bihar, the then Chief Justice of Supreme Court of India, Justice M. C. Mahajan had stated with reference to Article 37 of the Indian Constitution. The constitution of big blocks of lands in hands of a few individuals is contrary to the principles on which the constitution is based.

‘Similarly while delivering the judgment in the judicial case of Chandra Bhawan Boarding and Lodging Vs. The State of Mysore and others concerned with the relationship of Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy, the Supreme Court of India observed, “Freedom of trade does not mean freedom to exploit. While Rights conferred under Part III are fundamental, the Directive Principles given under Part IV are fundamental in the governance of the country.” We see no conflict on the whole between the provisions contained in Part III and IV. They are complementary and supplementary to each other.

In short, Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy are complementary and supplementary to each other. It will be futile to ask the question of superiority of the first or the second or of giving preference and priority to the one on the other. The need of the hour is to establish harmonious relationship between the two because the aim of both is the same. In addition to this, in the absence of one, the other becomes useless.

Along with the fundamental rights, if Directive Principles are not simultaneously implemented it would be impossible to give social and economic justice to the Indians and a society free from all sorts of exploitation will not be possible. The State while implementing the Directive Principles should as far as possible, refrain from amending the Fundamental Rights. Neither the Directive Principles should be implemented at the cost of Fundamental Rights nor the latter be maintained as sacrosanct and unamend-able even when amendments are needed for implementing the former.

The Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles together constitute the ‘Conscience of the Constitution. ‘The former seeks to create an egalitarian society by freeing all citizens from coercion and restriction and by providing them due civil rights and freedoms. The latter seeks to fix the goals of socio-economic reforms which are to be attained by the State for securing social, economic and political justice and a welfare polity. Hence, both should be respected and maintained.

In the words of Justice Chandrachud “Our constitution aims at bringing about a synthesis between Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy by giving to the former a pride of place and to the latter a place of performance.” Together, not individually, they form the core of the constitution. What is required is a harmonious reconstruction and not the determination or primacy of one over the other.

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[PDF] Relationship between Liberty, Sovereignty (Authority) and Law

Views of Individualists, Anarchists and Syndicalist:

Liberty does not mean the absence of all restraints legitimate or illegitimate. Nor does liberty mean unrestrained freedom to do whatever one likes to do. Liberty means the individual can act as he pleases without being under any type of arbitrary or illegal restraint or control.

Liberty does not mean the complete absence of all laws. Liberty exists only in an ordered state. The state frames law and the sovereign state operate through these laws. There is a close relationship between liberty, sovereignty and law. Though this view seems sound yet a number of political thinkers do not accept this view.

For example, Syndicalists and Anarchists maintain that more powerful the state, more curtailed and confined will the individual liberty be. Hence, they wanted to abolish the state. William Godwin, a well-known anarchist opines: “Law is an institution of the most pernicious type”. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the individualists interpreted liberty in their own way.

They regarded the control of the state as harmful to the individual and, therefore, supported the confinement of the authority of the state. But the individualist doctrine resulted in dangerous consequences in England when this doctrine was implemented. Now it is universally accepted that laws are the protectors of liberty. Liberty ceases to exist in the absence of law.

Law is the Condition of Liberty:

“Where there is no law there is no freedom”, says John Locke. Therefore, the existence of law is essential for the existence of liberty. It is the laws that protect liberty. In the absence of law the individual will have to seek the help of might in ‘order to safeguard his liberty.

And there will be “might is right”. In the absence of laws anarchy will prevail in society and people will degenerate into primitive savages who lived in the state of nature as described by Hobbes.

Professor Willoughby has asserted that “Freedom exists only when there is restraint”. Gettell observes, “Liberty in any real and dependable sense is possible only if sovereignty cists and becomes more perfect as sovereignty is more completely organised”.

Law is the protector of Liberty:

Liberty is protected by law in three ways. First of all law provides congenial atmosphere for the smooth running of civilized life in society. Law punishes the criminals and defends the rights of the individuals. Secondly, laws guarantee the enjoyment of individual rights and duties and protect them. The state punishes the individual who causes harm to others and hinders the path of others. Thirdly, constitution is the custodian of liberty. It is only the constitution that confines the authority of the state and protects the fundamental rights of the people.

Views of Idealists:

Idealists maintain that liberty lies in the obedience to law. Liberty ceases to exist in the absence of laws. For example, Hegel maintains, “State is a march of God upon earth and it is the highest expression and organ of social morality”.

T.H. Green has justly said, “Much modem legislation interferes with the freedom of contract, in order to maintain the conditions without which a free exercise of the human faculties is impossible”. According to idealists obedience to law is obedience to real will.

Does every law protect liberty?

Now the question arises whether every law protects liberty. During the British rule many laws were framed which aimed at crushing the individual liberty of Indians, or example, Rowlett Act, Safety Act, Bengal Regulation of 1818 Vernacular Press Act, 1318, etc., were framed for crushing liberty.

Indians raised a call of protest against these laws and struggled against the implementation of these laws. Gandhiji launched Satyagraha against the Salt Law. Thus, it is quite clear that every law is not the protector of liberty. If the laws are framed for the noble purpose of promoting the common welfare, they protect liberty.

Sometimes even in democratic countries such laws are framed as are deadly against the public opinion and against the spirit of common welfare. The public agitates against these laws and carries out peaceful demonstrations. If the good laws are framed, the public obeys them in full spirit. It is our duty to obey these laws because without obedience to laws, we cannot enjoy our liberty. In dictatorship laws are enforced mercilessly. This imposition of laws on the people makes the public unhappy.

The laws which pay due regard to the spirit of liberty are regarded as good laws. Gettell has, very aptly remarked in this respect, “Sovereignty carried to the extreme becomes tyranny and destroys liberty and liberty carried to extreme becomes anarchy and destroys sovereignty.” Thus, it is quite clear that there is a very close relationship between liberty and equality.

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[PDF] Easton’s Conceptual Framework on the Modern Political Theory

“Conceptual framework is related to the formation of a broad-gauge theory for the whole discipline. It is a sieve to sort out, select or reject observed facts: a compass for indicating direction, a gauge reporting the state of development of a science at a particular time”-David Easton.

David Easton should be regarded as the greatest advocate of the need of a general theory in Political Science. From the very beginning, he has been contributing to it from all sources.

His own ingenuity to develop an empirical theory of political life is unique. Some of his works are: The Political System, 1953; A Framework of Political Analysis, 1965; Systems Analysis of Political life, 1965; and Varieties of Political Theory (ed.), 1965- Besides, he is editing Contem­porary Political Theory series of books on theory. For his contribution to a general political theory, he has been rightly called as Talcott Parsons of Political Science. He has really redeemed American Political Science from fruitless hyper factualism, speculative thinking, and valueless theorising.

He wants an empirical grand political theory which would bring about integrity, unity and coherence in Political Science, and be able to give direction and set goals for society. Easton’s concept of theory contains both values and empirical study of facts and events. His anguish concerning hitherto prevalent theories is that they are history-ridden, speculative, and unaware of contemporary problems of society. It is devoid of creative values and factual data. His eyes are mainly set on defence of values, a task which can be done properly by pursuing behavioural studies.

However, he himself has not been able to produce an explanatory empirical political theory. He has provided an outline or a theoretical framework which would guide and help scholars to produce a theory so as to provide an autonomous identity for the discipline. Easton calls it a conceptual framework. It is a set of mutually Exclusive exhaustive categories.

According to Easton, it is a system of working hypotheses adopted and used only as long as it helps to orient political research in such a way that socially significant problems are better understood. Duverger observes that all scientific research ‘is conducted within conceptual framework. This, in the first place, implies a classification of facts, and a more or less precise typology. This, in turn, supposes an accurate idea of the phenomena studied and the relations between them – in other words hypothetical ‘theories’ and ‘systems’.

In fact, Easton uses political theory for conceptual framework, and vice versa. Either of them (i) enables the researcher to identify the significant political variables and describe their mutual relations; (ii) provides categories for comparison and fills up the gaps where more empirical research is needed; and (iii) makes research more reliable and fruitful for other researchers. For interpreting the life processes of the political system, one requires a scheme of symbolic representation called by Easton as the ‘conceptual framework’ or the ‘structure of analysis’ which is different from concrete political system or structure of institutions, popularly known as government.

Conceptual framework is related to the formation of a broad-gauge theory for the whole discipline. It is a sieve to sort out, select or reject observed facts: a compass for indicating direction, a gauge reporting the state of development of a science at a particular time. It is a flexible conceptual apparatus, in a state of constant flux, and can be changed in the light of collected facts. One requires an analytical framework or a conceptual scheme prior to the collection or selection of facts, and to put them in order for drawing out empirical generalisations.

The key variable in Easton’s frame of reference is ‘polities’, which consists in the interactions pertaining to authoritative allocation of values for society. He looks at these interactions in the form of a system which persistently performs the task of allocating of values. He likes empirically to observe the system and the way in which it persistently performs its task. For this purpose, he presents the concepts of ‘input’ and ‘output’ along with ‘feedback’ and others.

As his framework deals with political processes, it is dynamic. The framework, on the one hand, keeps away the researcher from concentrating on too-narrow a field, while on the other, stops him from being lost into a field too wide. Along with disciplining the subject of politics to a higher level, it provides all important dimensions and parameters for the development of an empirical theory. However, it may be made clear that his conceptual framework is not a theory, and totally lacks explanatory power.

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[PDF] Conditions and Requisites for Using Gandhian Political Technologies

The Gandhian Political Technologies or GPTs are organisational and institu­tional devices to gather and organise masses to fight non-violently for realising higher values of life. As such, they cannot be used by anyone for any purpose. Therefore, it is necessary to spell out essential conditions and constraints for using them.

Some of them are mentioned below:

(a) The leader must represent and reflect his closer connection with God, Truth, Brahma or the Almighty, and operationalise that connection in form of non-violence. Practice of non-violence displays apparent power of the Almighty in favour of the satyagrahi leader.”

(b) They can be used only for higher values and goals of life, such as, independence, justice, equality etc. Their goals and objectives are limited.

(c) Both the satyagrahis and their adversaries must cherish some common values. GPTs may not be used if the adversary totally rejects human values, basic tenets of democracy, and respect for human life. The government must be democratic, operating on rule of law and grant some fundamental rights to its people.

(d) There must be some Gandhi-like leader. It is not necessary that he practices only non-violence of the brave or pure non-violence. It is enough that he has faith in superiority of non-violence and is committed to observe non-violent means only. This would provide him the good ground of having good intentions only. In that case, no authority of the government would be able to implicate him or his followers in some criminal offence. For people, his image or impression that he is a man of non-violence is enough.

(e) He lives like a saint or simple man. He must be aware of and be deft in using the media.” He must have arrangement of teaching the principles of satyagraha or his mission to his followers in some ashram like institution.’

(f) The leader and his close followers must be ready to undergo all types of sufferings, from loss of property to sacrifice of life. Sufferings generate sympathy in masses. The more he suffers the more popular he is. Witnessing sufferings, millions of people are likely to come forward to make sacrifice for him, including participation in the movement.

(g) The leader must have masses with him. The number of his followers must always be many times larger than the number of persons with the adversary; otherwise non-cooperation or civil disobedience would have no effect and lose all meaning. Only the large number would prove that his movement is capable of invoking the probable potential power of the masses.

The number of his followers shows that he has the capacity to deprive the adversary of revenue, legitimacy and obedience. If their demands are not met, there can be, in case of imprisonment or exile of the leader, law and order problem, breakdown of administration, and even chaos and anarchy. The state must be made to feel that it can neglect probable potential power of the people only at its own peril. The adversary could be compelled to realise that his survival depends upon cooperation of the people at large.

(h) GPTs would prove effective and successful only when they are used in favourable and demanding environment. They should be resorted to when all other individual, legal, political and administrative avenues are exhausted. There must be a large number of people willing to act upon the directives of a Gandhi-like leader.

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[PDF] Essay on Religion as Ideology

Religion as Ideology has played its role in history several times, and still continues to do so. Colton has rightly remarked that ‘Man will fight for religion, write for it, fight for it, anything but live it’. But is also equally true that in many cases it is religion, which has made man to do so. But one should differentiate between religion as ‘religion’ and religion as ideology which political leaders still like to call it their religion. Usually, the central contents and items of ‘religions’ are regarded abstract, unverifiable, non-empirical and subjective.

They may be real or non-real or fantasy. Nothing can be said with certainty about the existence or non-existence of the contents of the ‘religion’, definiteness of particular ways and means to know them, or about the outcome of knowing them. Hardly anyone can confirm the experiences of a person that one has attained such realization.

Most of these things or ways and means to realize them are based on subjective knowledge, faith and belief of the claimant. When a claimant announces his experience as the best and highest goal of life of man and society, and calls upon others to attain it by and through living a particular way of life, adopting specific form of worship, and unite as a community of believers, he transforms his ‘religion’ into an ‘ideology’. It is an ideology to the believers.

When these claimants, founders, prophets, seers, and teachers (gurus) of that religion or their successors or nominees apply, propagate and spread teachings and rules of prescribed behaviour among common people, and use means to motivate them, it turns into an ideology of religion. It may be pointed out that there have been, from time to time, many claimants of ‘religions’.

There have been many religions. Owing to the very nature of a ‘religion’ and claims made about it which, no other claimant or non-believer can contradict, owing to subjective nature of religious experi­ences, or oppose the experiences and expressions of the other claimant. In due course of time, power gained this way by religions becomes irresistible as well as unchallengeable.

The claimed experiences stand beyond reason or above every kind of controversy. Millions of believers or followers stand by them and are found to fight and die for it. Thinkers, scholars and rulers have been concerned with this use of religion. It proves to be a powerful engine for operating a government, society and community.

Important writers who have recognised the use of religion as ideology have been Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Montesquieu, Pascal, Hegel and some others. Kant regarded three beliefs necessary to make man moral and happy: in God, in the freedom of the will, and immortality of the soul. Marx regarded religion as fantasy of the alienated man.

Religion, used in this way, is a form of false consciousness or an ideology. Political leaders use religion as ideology, as in religion man sees himself as subject to higher beings. Religion confirms his experience that he is not yet his own master. He has not yet learned to adapt his environment to his needs and is the victim of circumstances as yet beyond his control, but he has aspiration to be his own master.

It reinforces prevailing morality by promising rewards and threatening punishments in an afterlife, but make man willing to suffer during this life. Undergoing incessant suffering men tend to propitiate malevolent spirits and to invoke the help of benevolent ones. Communities, social groups and political parties resort to religion as an ideology as a system of beliefs regardless to its truth. It is an effect of ignorance and curiosity. It consists of fantasies that give the illusion that men have knowledge where they in fact lack it.

It allays fears and gives an outlet to men’s inability to control the forces of nature, society and economy. Communities and groups hold together in unity on the basis of its declared sacred character. It reinforces men’s motives for observing social rules on threat of punishment by some other-worldly being or beings more powerful than man. Religion provides man with a conception of himself and of his place in the world that satisfies him.

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