Category: Political Science Notes

A method usually means the logical process or a systematic procedure used in discovering or demonstrating the truth. From a broader view, the scien­tific method also represents a particular attitude and a perspective to look at the world in order to obtain verifiable knowledge. It represents a philosophy, a theory and a programme to see the world in a definite, exact and precise manner.

Underlying the scientific method, there are certain assumptions:

(i) Know ability:

One can know man, group, society, institu­tions and the interrelations and processes operating among them.

(ii) Con-subjectivity:

We get impression or image of a thing or event almost similar through our senses like any other man.

(iii) Regularities:

There are regularities in the forces of Nature. One can find succession, association or interconnection between various events.

(iv) Man more or less enjoys freedom in understanding a phenomenon as true or false. The validity of this understanding cannot be demonstrated by scientific method.

(v) A scientist investigates factual or empirical truth, which is different from moral, spiritual or philosophical truth.

The form and contents of scientific truths change on availability of new facts. Some of the scholars regard these assumptions as values of science, but the word ‘value’ connotes subjectivity, choice or will which is not applicable in case of these assumptions. They are not ultimate, secret or subjective truths, but are merely instrumental in knowing the reality. By rejecting them or discarding the means, one cannot realise the end. These assumptions are objective and neutral in the sense that they do not influence the findings or conclusions.

Still, the scientists commonly believe in pursuing the truth. They do have certain values. As such, they have faith that the universe is cosmos and not a chaos. Various events, units, persons, and their behaviour can be subsumed under certain patterns. The aim of science is to discover these patterns. This work is done by science in open and public view. There are no secret processes, no predetermined diagnosis, no personal understanding and no bargaining. Everything is put before the public eye so that the whole world may see it and challenge its presentation.

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Facts, values and theory are closely interre­lated in the study of research of politics. They all make up the structure of political or policy analysis which itself is built of behaviouralism, scientific method, and scientific value relativism. A dynamic theory is based on that structure. A political actor or scholar analyses political decisioning or policy-making in a scientific manner.

Diagram 2. below displays the whole process of analysis. Decision-making (or policy-making) process is shown by triangles.

Every triangle consists of three arms:

(i) Multiplicity of alterna­tives,

(ii) Factual analysis of these alternatives under given constraints, and

(iii) Choice or determination of one alternative.

The final decision taken by political actors or groups has been shown by number ‘1’ put on the top of triangles. This decision-point, besides available facts, pertains to their values.

The decision-point of every lower triangle is taken under the decision-point of higher and bigger triangle. Lower decision-values follow higher decision-values. Sometimes, lower decision-points are taken directly on the basis of next higher decision-points. This non-hierarchical relationship is shown by triangles demarcated by broken lines. In the analysis of all political decisions, finding and observation of available facts through Scientific Method make up the basis. Every value-laden decision or event is analysed in the context of values upheld at the higher level.

As a political theory ascends higher, it tends to enlarge its scope or generality. But its attachment with the facts observed by scientific method leads it to validity. Those who want to maintain a balance between generality and validity stand in the middle. The choice concerns with the value-judgement of a political actor or a theorist interested in policy-analysis.

Scientific method along with scientific value relativism can help the politicians and administrators in taking value-decisions based on relevant facts. It can also enlighten them on the choice of ultimate values or higher policy matters by analysing their various facets, and implications for them and the milieu. The political theory guides a decision-maker, if the political actors seek its help in understanding the facts, and anticipating and controlling the coming events. The diagram depicts internal political decision-making by triangles, and the political theory by outer enveloping triangle.

Absorption of scientific method and scientific value relativism in modern political theory has enabled scholars to analyse values to a limitless level. They can now study threadbare the historical, personal, real and possible aspects of various values. Empirical research can do a lot in finding out some universal elements underlying the values of justice, liberty and equality.

Similarly, as Brecht wished, constants or permanent elements of ‘human nature’ are discovered, they can make up the basic material of any political theory, law, policy or organisation. One can empirically know and analyse the ‘most preferred values’ of man throughout a country or the whole world. One can verify the findings by objective tools and techniques. In this manner, a large part of philosophical values and problems have come within the purview of modern political theory. Its scope is likely to expand still further.

Modern political theory, thus, has given up its impotence and silence over the problem of values, which was its hallmark during the two World Wars. It has arisen in an active and militant manner against the ideologies, which sell and propagate their claims and idiosyncrasies as scientific values and verified facts. It can analyse their means, causes and consequences.

The modern theorist, while remaining neutral towards values, can conduct dispassionate research and scientific analysis. He can analyse both ‘is’ and ‘ought’ separately, and also present relevant data in support of his prefer­ences derived from empirical study of human nature.

Political Science as a discipline can now tell what type of political action can give greater guarantee for ensuing human welfare. A polity can realise what it wants, and escape from the results which it does not like. Scientific value relativism is in a position to expose the actual meaning and possible results hidden behind populist slogans and vaguely-written manifestos. It can make out where would their consequences lead a people.

It can be regarded as a weapon against harmful political ideologies and for the defence of human freedom and values. Scientific value relativism and method (SVRM) does not prohibit any person or group to learn and adopt values from religion, nature, intuition, etc.

What it wants is that they should be separately indicated. SVRM will explain them, and let all know their consequences in the prevailing context. This will enable them to maintain, reject or modify them, and take adequate steps for future. It can go beyond discussing meaning and implications to adequacy of means. Ideals like equality, liberty, culture, etc., also fall under these categories.

Both protagonists of values and value relativists accept the importance of values, and accord central place to them in their studies, but with a basic difference. Value protagonists begin and end with values picking up methods and techniques useful in support of their stand. Scientific value relativists stick to the scientific method from the start to end. They reach conclusions after making investigation and analysis through scientific method.

They treat values as ‘preferences’, which are discovered on the basis of observation and objective inquiry. For them, SVRM does not and cannot advocate a particular set of ultimate values as true and valid for all human beings, except the assumptions underlying the procedure of scientific method which do not vitiate the findings arrived at or from debarring anyone to challenge, in part or whole, the venture itself. In fact, it is a weapon of truth and reason to fight against falsehood, superstition, ignorance, oppressive ideologies, and vested interests. If it is improperly used, it can disown the wielder of the weapon himself.

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Owing to the very nature of politics the calculation of the cost of ‘political technology would always be tentative.

There are four components of calculating the cost of making and applying a political technology (PT):

(i) Sources,

(ii) Handling Style,

(iii) Stake or Investment, and

(iv) Outcome.

i. Sources:

Sources make up the ground on which political fight is carried is on. One is big or small in terms of one’s storehouse of sources. But they are meaningless unless one makes use of them. Sources broadly are inputs of politics in possession or control of a political leader.

These are of three types:

(a) Personal,

(b) Formal, and,

(c) Non-formal.

Personal resources relate to the personal control of an individual political technology. They are material and political. Material resources include building, money, income, physique, stamina etc. Political resources include the number of followers, their organisation deference to him in areas that can be wide or narrow. It can again be positive when his directives are carried out, and negative when the same followers or some of them stand against him. Formal resources are available as a result of control over the state machinery.

Their abundance depends upon nature, size and form of the state. All political leaders contrive for having control over the state machinery. Non-formal resources are accumulated beyond and besides the state, i.e., caste, community, relations, voluntary organisations and so on. It may include many other factors of power accretion and its exercise.

Rest of the three components are used in actual political fight.

ii. Handling Style:

Sometimes it means a lot when a political technology is used abruptly, demonstratively or peacefully. Each type of handling brings in specific response from the concerned people.

iii. Stake or Investment:

Investment is putting the resources or a part thereof in winning over the game of politics. One may fight with totality of his resources. Spending of sources appears in the form of actual action. They are used while in confrontation with or facing opposition from the adversaries. Money, manpower, reputation, time, position etc. are put to stake. In this direction, investment has to be deducted from sources. Besides this venture, there can be wastage, loss, routine expenditure and cheating.

iv. Outcome:

Outcome or result is the output of the whole political venture. It may be satisfactory or unsatisfactory, adequate or inadequate or desirable or undesirable. In case, it is not satisfactory, it may have to be repeated or more resources have to be spent over the whole venture.

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It cannot be denied that Lenin was a staunch follower of Karl Marx but he was a dynamic and not an orthodox follower. He had to interpret Marxism in changed conditions and adapt them to Russia which was purely an agricultural country and where capitalism had not fully developed.

Lenin put emphasis on the revolutionary aspect and not the peaceful aspect of Marxism. He followed the teachings of Marxism as put-forth in the ‘Communist Manifesto’ and ‘Das Capital’ because he had unflinching faith only in the revolutionary methods.

He thought rightly that the revolution in Russia could not be brought about by peaceful means because before him, Tolstoy had advocated peaceful means and nothing had been achieved by them. He firmly believed that transition from capitalism to communism could not be brought about by pacific means.That is why he condemned Kautsky and others of their way of thinking. He believed in a revolution and not in allowing the events to drift according to the sweet wishes of Czar Nicholas II (then Emperor of Russia).

While Marx had emphasised the development of self-consciousness amongst the workers due to extreme economic misery, Lenin thought that revolution could be brought about in Russia only by the disciplined and secret cadre of the Communist Party which could infiltrate and arouse the strong political consciousness against the tyrannical regime of Czar amongst the peasants, workers, soldiers, the police, the students and government servants.

By using all these methods, Lenin was able to overthrow the Czarist regime and establish first socialist state of the world in Russia. Stalin consolidated it and was able to help Mao-tse-Tung, Communist leader of China in bringing about the revolution in 1949 and overthrow the reactionary regime of Chiang Kai-Shek.

After the Second World War (1939-45), former U.S.S.R. was able to extend communism to most of the countries of Eastern Europe (Poland, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia and East Germany). Communism had also spread to former Yugoslavia, Vietnam and North Korea. So nearly half of the world had become communist due to teaching of Marxism-Leninism.

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There are following characteristics of political system:

(1) Use or threat of use of legal force:

The first characteristic of political system is that it allows the legal authority to use force. If David Easton speaks of “authoritative allocation of values”, Dahl of “Power, “rule” and authority”. All these definitions imply that legal authority can use force to compel anybody to obey its orders.

It possesses legitimate and heavy sanctions and rightful power to punish. Consequently, we have to agree with Max Weber that legitimate use of force is a distinct feature of political system, giving it a special quality and importance, and its unity as a system. When the state or governments extends certain facilities then at the same time it possesses power to impose taxes upon the people and punish those who violate those orders.

(2) Interactions:

Almond in his book, “The Policies of Developing Areas”, writes: “Political system is that system of interactions to be found in all independent societies which perform the functions of integration and adaptation (both internally and vis-a-vis other societies) by means of the employment or threat of employment or more or less legitimate physical compulsion”. Thus the political system not only includes governmental institutions such as legislatures, executives, courts, administrative agencies but all structures in their political aspect.

Among these are included formal organisations like parties, interest groups, and media of communication; traditional structures such as kinship ties, caste groupings anomic phenomena such as associations, riots an demonstrations.

Consequently, the political system includes interaction between all the formal and informal institutions. The process of interaction is divided into three phases – input, conversion and output. The Indian Constitution reflects the various interactions as many amendments were brought about to bring out Zamindari abolition and socialism and remove poverty.

(3) Interdependence of Parts:

Interdependence means that when the properties of one component in a system change, all the other components and the system as a whole are affected. In political system the political parties having a wider base and mass media (Television, radio and newspapers) change the performance of all other structures of the system and affect the general working of the system.

Not only that but the emergence of trade unions and pressure groups affect the working of the political parties, the electoral process, the legislature, the bureaucracy and the judicial system. For example, if the government is unable to check the ever rising prices or inflation, then the labourers are bound to demand more wages.

In case the demand is not met by the employers, then the labourers may resort to strike which may become violent in the long run. In that case the employers may call the police and the police may resort to firing in order to quell the disturbances.

In such cases the mill-owners will close the mills. In order to solve this problem the government will have to intervene by appointing a tribunal consisting of the representatives of the labour, the management and the State.

If the dispute is not solved out by the tribunal, then the government will have to pass the legislation fixing the minimum wages and increase the dearness allowance according to the corresponding increase in the price index. The government will fix the bonus etc. All this amply demonstrates how a happening of a great magnitude affects the entire political system.

(4) Comprehensiveness:

Political System is comprehensive because it includes all the interactions from the formal as well as informal institutions in the society. For example, it includes the interaction of regionalism, religious upheavals, inflation, party-politics, tactics of pressure groups and social changes brought about by modernisation.

(5) Change of Boundary:

Yet another aspect of the concept of the system is the change of boundary. The political system consists of interacting roles of nationals, subjects, voters, the legislators, bureaucrats and judges. The same individuals who perform role in social and economic system also play their notable role in political systems. When the individuals form interest groups, vote or pay taxes, they change their role from non-political to political ones.

For example, on the Election Day, the citizens leave their farms, plants and offices to go to the polling stations. In this way they are crossing the boundary from economy to politics. Similarly, during the war time the large fluctuations in the boundaries of political system take place. Therefore the boundaries of political system frequently change.

However Almond has given yet another set of characteristics of a political system. These are:

(1) There is universality of political system. It means that political system exists everywhere.

(2) Every political system performs the same functions, though there may be differences in the different political systems and their structures.

(3) Every political system has some structures. It is possible that there may be some specialised structures which may perform more functions than the less specialised structures.

(4) Every political system is mixed in the sense of culture because the system can be more advanced or less advanced.

(5) Every political system is multi-functional and performs a number of functions irrespective of the degree of specialisation.

Functions of the Political System:

A political system performs two types of functions:

(1) Input functions (political functions); and

(2) Output functions (Governmental Functions)

1. Input Functions:

David Easton classifies input functions into two types of demands and supports.

Almonds and Powell classify Demands into:

(1) Allocation of goods and services such as demands for more wages and fixation of working hours, opening of educational institutions, provision of recreational facilities, roads and transportation;

(2) Participation in the political system, such as the right to vote, to hold office, to petition Government bodies and officials, and to organise political associations such as pressure groups and political parties.

(3) Regulation of behaviour such as provision for public safety, control over markets and rules pertaining to marriage, health and sanitation.

(4) Communication and information, such as demands for the affirmation of norms ,the communication of policy intent from policy elites or the display of majesty and power of the political system in time of threats or on ceremonial occasion.

Similarly, the examples of supports which the people get in the political system are:

(1) Material support such as the payment of taxes or other levies and rendering services as labour on public works or military services;

(2) Attention paid to Government communications and the manifestation of respect to public authority, symbols and ceremonials.

(3) Obedience to laws and regulations.

(4) Participatory supports such as voting political discussion, and other forms of political activity:

While David Easton divides Inputs into Demands and Supports, Almond calls them:

(1) Political socialisation;

(2) Political Recruitment;

(3) Interest Articulation;

(4) Interest Aggregation;

(5) Political Communications.

(1) Political Socialisation:

Political Socialisation refers to the process of recruiting individuals into political roles and to give them training in citizenship, pol
itical Socialisation acts through various agencies such as family, church, schools, work groups, voluntary associations and media of communications. It is a process of inducting individuals into political culture.

All political systems not only continue but also make their permanent cultures and structures through political socialisation. Due to political socialisation the members of society begin to possess a particular attitude.

(2) Political Recruitment:

Political recruitment starts where political socialization’s role ends. It recruits members of the society out of particular sub- cultures-religious, status, class and the like-and introduces them into specialised roles of political system, trains them in appropriate skills, gives them political values, expectations and effects. So its main concern is to recruit the citizens to enable them to play their special role.

(3) Interest Articulations:

Almond has defined interest articulation as “the process by which individuals and groups make demands upon the political decision-makers. It is the first functional set-up in the conversion process.”

If certain groups within the society do not find sufficient democratic means to ventilate their grievances and satisfy their demands, then their dissatisfaction and utter discontent may erupt into violence. Under such circumstances the government which is the runner of the political system may satisfy their demands or curb their violent activities by force.

(4) Interest Aggregation:

It means that interests, claims and demands of various groups in the society are aggregated or combined. Interest aggregation or combination is achieved by the recruitment of political personnel who are more or less committed to particular pattern of society.

In some systems the legislature, the executive, the bureaucracy, the media of communication, the various political parties and interest groups from the interest aggregation because they reconcile the various interests.

(5) Political Communication:

“Political Communication”, according to Almond, “Is the crucial boundary maintenance function,” autonomy in the media of communication can help the free flow of information from the society to the government. It can communicate the articulation of interest emanating from political parties, legislatures and bureaucracies which themselves can correct the actions of interest groups.

2. Output Functions:

These are the functions performed by the Government in response to the input (political functions):

(1) Rule-making:-

Rule-making was previously known as legislation. Rule-making has been preferred over legislation because it refers to a specialised structure and explicit process as legislation. Rule-making goes on in every type of government whether democracy, dictatorship or monarchy.

Now-a-days in a democratic set-up the rule-making power is exercised by the legislature or parliament.

(2) Rule Application:-

Rule making was previously known as the execution. The rules made by the legislature or the Executive are enforced by the bureaucracy, therefore its role and importance have considerably increased.

Moreover, rule application also implies that the established goal:, of the society are fulfilled. It also sees their interaction of the laws on the society. Effective implementation of the laws can fulfill the present laws and help in achieving new targets.

(3) Rule Adjudication:-

Rule adjudication was previously known as judicial functions, it is the duty of the judiciary to interpret the laws and punish the guilty .judiciary also resolves the conflicts between the government and citizens and the citizens themselves.

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(1) It is based on the principle of popular sovereignty:

It is said that the principle of popular sovereignty takes a practical shape in direct legislation. In a representative system, the will of the people does not take a practical shape, because the representatives of the people are under the influence of party politics, press and certain other things. Thus the best mirror of public opinion is referendum.

(2) It lessens the influence of various groups in a legislature:

There are many groups in a legislature and they make laws on the basis of groupism. When the final powers of law-making is not m the minds of the legislature, there will be no influence of groups on a legislature.

(3) Safeguard against majority despotism:

In a representative democracy, the majority party rules arbitrarily and makes the laws for its own ends. The reason is that it has the majority support in the legislature. When final approval of the laws is sought from the people, the majority party cannot make laws arbitrarily because the minority party can rouse the public opinion.

(4) It reduces sectionalism:

Bryce says that popular voting reduced the sectionalism because people from different sections, classes and parties express their opinion on, and works for those matters which are outside the scope of class feeling or party programme.

(5) It imparts political education to the masses:

By gaining law-making power in their hands, the people become conscious about the problems of the country. Thus Benjore says. “This system accelerates the political education of the individual votes and grants real protection against the revolution by introducing leadership”.

(6) It proves to be the best device to remove a deadlock between two Houses of legislature:

In certain countries a deadlock between the two Houses is removed through this system, as the deadlock is removed after the dissolution of both the Houses. This is the system in Switzerland.

(7) Greater moral support behind the laws supported by the public:

The laws which have the public support are more moral. Bryce says, “A law receives greater weight and strength because of the approval of the people; they themselves feel in their duty to obey it and get it obeyed”.

(8) Referendum imparts stability to the Constitution:

The Constitution becomes stable, if every amendment to it is got approved by the people and if they do not change it frequently.

(9) Laws can become a mirror of public opinion by referendum:

Laws and the Constitution can become a mirror of public opinion by referendum.

(10) Responsibility of the Legislature is not lessened:

It is wrong to say that the importance and responsibility of the legislature is reduced by referendum. The reason for this is that every law is not put to referendum but only controversial laws are put to referendum. The legislature, knowing that the Bills can be sent for referendum, makes the Bills carefully. There is no need of referendum for the Bills made carefully. Besides, there is a system in Switzerland according to which urgent laws are not subject to referendum.

A well-known writer Curt says, “A stock argument against referendum is that it reduces the legislature’s sense of responsibility by placing final decision in the hands of the people”. But the opinion of Curt, the greatest Swiss authority on the subject, is that “referendum prevented but little good that we wished to do but singly by standing as a warning before us averted much evil. In spite of backward movements it did not condemn democracy to a halt but has given steadiness to progress itself.”

(11) Referendum is a sort of guarantee against bad laws:

When there is a referendum on laws, the question of bad laws does not arise. Bryce has rightly said, “Referendum is a guarantee against all those laws which are against the popular feelings, because people give their final verdict on the laws passed by the legislature”.

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