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Here is a compilation of essays on the ‘State’ for class 11 and 12. Find paragraphs, long and short essays on the ‘State’ especially written for school and college students.

Essay on the State


Essay Contents:

  1. Essay on the Definition of State
  2. Essay on the Evolution of the State
  3. Essay on the Purpose of the State
  4. Essay on the Attributes of the State
  5. Essay on the Difference between the State and Other Associations
  6. Essay on the Difference between State and Society
  7. Essay on the Functions of the State


Essay # 1. Definition of State:

There are too many definitions of the state. President Woodrow Wilson’s definition of the state is “a people organised for law within a definite territory.” Harold J. Laski defines the state as “a territorial society divided into government and subjects claiming, within its allotted physical area, a supremacy over all other institutions.”

According to R. M. MacIver, the state is- “An association which, acting through law as promulgated by a government, endowed to this end with coercive power, maintains within a community, territorially demarcated the universal external conditions of social order.”

Sir Thomas Holland’s definition is more elaborate:

“A state is a numerous assemblage of human beings generally occupying a certain territory, amongst whom the will of the majority of an ascertainable class of persons is, by the strength of such a majority or class, made to prevail against any of their number who opposes it.”

J. W. Garner’s definition is the most acceptable one because it contains all the attributes of the state. He defined the state as “a community of persons, more or less numerous; permanently occupying a definite territory, independent of external control, and possessing an organised government, to which the great body of inhabitants render habitual obedience.”

Although the scholars differ among themselves as to the definition of the state, they are at one with regard to the characteristics of the state. Authorities agree on certain essential properties of a state. These are population, territory, government and sovereignty.

The last mentioned element clothes the government with a monopoly of force for the preservation of peace and order and having a plentitude of authority within the state, independent of external control except that of international law.

Since a state cannot function under the law unless it is recognised by the members of the community of nations, such diplomatic recognition is often considered another property of the state.

Further, most political theorists emphasise on the purpose or end as an important element of the state.


Essay # 2. Evolution of the State:

The state is a growth, an evolution, the result of a gradual process running throughout all the known history of man and receding into remote and unknown past.

The story of the evolution of the state is one of long process. From a crude and tribal origin it has grown into the modern complex stature. But the process of evolution was of different fashions because of the diversified factors of time, region and political and socio-economic environments.

We may, however, safely take the following types of states as the broad divisions and stages in the growth of the state:

i. The Tribal State:

In the earliest stage the state was identified with the tribes which composed them. So the tribal state was the earliest from of the state in the world. In that tribal organisation the rights of the individuals were based on kinship. Allegiance to the state had nothing to do with the rulers or the territories. If there was any allegiance it was determined by blood relationship.

ii. The Oriental Empire:

We find some big states in the east flourishing on the banks of the principal rivers. Thus states grew up on the banks of the Indus, the Nile, the Euphrates and the Tigris. These river valley states were rich and prosperous because of the rich natural resources in those areas. The plenty of food, clothes and shelter led to organised political and social institutions.

These river valley states were like so many early empires separated from each other. Life in those big states was one of comfort and ease. But the people had no right. The rulers were all haughty despots. Their responsibilities to the subjects ended with realising taxes from them. The rulers combined in themselves political and religious authority.

Disobedience to the priest-Kings was considered a sacrilege. They ruled over the state with the strength of the sword. When the sword became blunt, the King was replaced by some more powerful one. The people obeyed them out of fear.

iii. The Greek City-States:

The third stage in the evolution of the state was the Greek city-states. These were called city-states because these states had little territory confined to the size of the city. The geographical condition of Greece separated by mountains the entire mainland into so many units facilitated the growth and development of so many small states based on the areas allotted to the cities.

For example, in the fifth century B. C. Attica was a small state where the total population did not exceed one lakh twenty thousand, of whom only forty thousand were citizens and the rest were non-citizens, comprising the slaves and women.

The governments of the city-states were of varied kinds like monarchy, aristocracy and oligarchy. The Greeks were warriors and patrons of art and literature. They were proud of their civilisations and considered the non-Greeks as uncivilised. There was no unity among the Greek city-states. So they fell an easy prey to Macedonia and were finally overshadowed by Rome.

iv. The Roman Empire:

Initially, Rome was a small state like the Greek city-states. It grew up on the fertile plains of the Tiber in 253 B.C. by a combination of several tribes. Monarchy was the form of the early period. The government was controlled by the nobles called the Patricians. The common people were called the Plebeians and they had no share in the government. Monarchy yielded place to the republic in about 500 B.C. when the people became the repository of power. Rome could not go much ahead in democracy because she was involved in warfare with the neighbouring states.

After conquering the enemy states, Rome began to advance in territory both towards the west and the south. All the countries around the Mediterranean came under the direct control of the sprawling Roman empire which included England. In this way, Rome became the biggest empire known to history. Later on, democracy was replaced by military dictatorship.

It is Rome that gave the world the first well-organised and well-governed state. The Roman system of law and Roman administration became very popular. The biggest achievement of the Roman empire is that it brought together diversified people and established a kind of cohesion among them under a common system of administration and justice.

If the Greek city states were known for liberty, democracy and local independence, the Roman empire earned eminence for unity, order and universal law. While Greece had democracy without unity, Rome had unity minus democracy. The apparent strength of Rome proved fatal for its existence. So the Roman empire began to decline.

v. The Feudal States:

The destruction of the Roman empire by the Teutonic barbarians is an important factor in the growth of the feudal states in Europe. The Teutonic’s had as their political institution the tribal state, which did not know unity, order or universal laws which were the very basis of the Roman empire. Their Kings were the successful war lords.

The conception of feudalism came up as an intermediate body between the Roman imperial system and the Teutonic way of life. When the Roman empire fell, the nobles became the real repository of power. The result was that in the place of the centralised state authority came the weak central King. There the real power lay with the feudal chiefs.

Ownership of land was the foundation, on which was built the hierarchy of the feudal system. According to feudalism, the Kings acted as the vassals of the Emperor who was himself a vassal of God. The King was loyal to the Emperor who in his turn was to be loyal to God. The King would distribute the land among the tenants-in-chief, who, in his turn, distributed land among the tenants.

The tenants were to be loyal to the tenants-in-chief and the tenants-in-chief were to be loyal to the King. The land distribution system went on from the tenant to the serfs. The immediately lower rank would be loyal to the immediately higher rank. In this way, he rigid monolithic structure of the Roman empire was replaced by a complete stratification of the socio-economic life. In the place of the Roman law came the customs and traditions.

The highest authority had no contact with the lowest rung of the society. Ownership of land was the crux of the feudal state. Thus feudal system is more an economic institution than a political one.

vi. Modern Nation-States:

The final stage in the evolution of the states is the modern nation states. This is an establishment of an integrated land usually on the basis of a nation with loyalty of the people to the central authority, be it the King or the parliament. Thus the modern state does not admit of hierarchial division of authority of the feudal system. On the other hand, the people are bound together on the basis of nationalism.

The growth of the modern nation states is attributable to the commercial and industrial capitalism which could not brook the obstacle of the feudal order. At the beginning the nation state had absolute monarchy with a centralised control. It dispensed with the authority of the Pope and feudal nobility. The process got the impetus from the Renaissance and the Reformation.

There came philosophers like Thomas Hobbes and Machiavelli to support the absolute monarchy. The coming of the modem states made the atmosphere congenial for the international law, which recognised the equality and sovereign status of the modern states.

Initially the people submitted to the centralised authority because it was more beneficial than feudalism. But the people began to raise objections against the absolutism of the King. The absolute monarchy took shelter under the theory of divine rights of the kingship. But the popular urge for liberty could not be suppressed forever.

In 1688 the people of England deposed their despised King James II and wrested from him a bundle of rights called the Bill of Rights. Again, in 1789 the people of France rose in arms against the absolutism of King Louis XVI and overthrew the monarchy and established instead a republic in France.

The same spirit began to tumble the autocratic regime in Central Europe where Italy, Germany and Hungary established states for each nation. The countries of the Middle East were groaning in the absence of nation states. They got this in the Treaty of Paris which closed the First World War. A further march in that direction was possible after the Second World War. India became independent and a nation state in 1947 in the wake by the Second World War.


Essay # 3. Purpose of the State:

Controversy exists among the political thinkers with regard to the exact purpose of the state. Here are two broad schools which put divergent purposes for the state. They veer round the relation between the state and the individuals.

According to one school, the individual is the end and the state is only the means. The other view is that the state is the end and the individuals are just the means of it. But both the schools are at one with the need of the state.

In between these two extreme views are to be accommodated the Socialist School which wants wider power for the state, the Utilitarian School which assesses everything in the yardstick of maximum happiness for the individuals, and the General Welfare School which wants the state to fulfil  the welfare and promotion of human civilisation.

But there is an extreme view of the anarchists that there is no need for the state. Then comes Mahatma Gandhi’s view that the state is an enemy of truth and Ahimsa. We shall now discuss these views one by one.

I. The Individual is an End and the State is a Means:

This school is represented by John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer and Adam Smith who believed that the state is only a means to an end. What is that end? The end is the happiness and welfare of the individuals. This band of philosophers gave maximum importance to the individuals by subordinating the state to the individuals. This theory is based on two premises – reduction of the function of the state to the barest necessities and maximum liberty to the individuals.

According to the individualists, the state is an evil, because the state poaches on the free play of the liberty of the individuals. It is necessary, like policeman is necessary, to protect the individuals from the dangers in the society from the other unbecoming individuals. So the state is a necessary evil.

The individualists want the state to discharge only two functions-internally to maintain law and order in the country and externally to defend the country from the foreign aggressions. The state’s main function should be to protect and defend and it must not interfere with the development or progress of the individuals.

John Stuart Mill had no hesitation to hold that the best government is one that interferes least with the individuals. The interference of the state will result in dwarfing the inner faculties of the individuals and killing their initiatives. Adam Smith, who is known for free economic competition among the individuals, is another campaigner of this view.

According to Smith, if the state intrudes into the economic affairs by restraining trade there will be black-marketing, hoarding and profiteering. Herbert Spencer’s defence of the theory is from the biological point of view. He believed that in the nature there is a law of “survival of the fittest”. This should be applied in the state where the strong individuals will and should stand by competition and the weaker ones will and should disappear.

II. The State is an End and the Individual is a Means to the End:

The opposite view of the individualist theory is the idealist view which considers the state as the repository of all functions and the individuals just as means to the end of the state. It is natural that the state must be omnipotent and Omni-competent and must perform all functions relating to the individuals. So the state must control all the activities of the individuals in all avenues of life, social, political, economic and spiritual.

The state is endowed with a moral personality. To say in the words of Friedrich Hegel- “The state is the march of God on earth. It represents the social consciousness and to obey the state is to obey your be
st self.”
According to the idealists, the individuals can attain maximum benefits from the state and so they should completely identify themselves with the state and render unhesitating obedience to the state.

According to Thomas I Hill Green, the individuals have no place outside the state. To quote him- “The state is indispensable to the fullest growth of personality of man.” The personality of the individuals, if any, must be merged with the personality of the state. Whatever the state does it does for the welfare of the individuals. So the individuals have no rights against the state. Their real liberty will thrive only under the care of the state.

This theory was the umbrella under which the Nazis in Germany and the Fascists in Italy took shelter to obliterate all the individual rights. The State became a thorough-going dictatorship that muzzled the spirit of the Individuals and gagged their mouth.

According to the Nazis and the Fascists- “The state is an imperishable organism whose life extends beyond that of the individuals who are its transitory elements. These are born, grow up, die and are substituted by others, while the state always retains its identity and its patrimony of ideas and sentiments, which each generation receives from the past and transmits to the future.”

“In their opinion, the individual’s happiness or individual’s welfare is not the end or purpose of the state. On the other hand, the welfare and existence of the state is the supreme end or aim of the individual’s life. He should willingly sacrifice his life and happiness for the sake of the state. He must subordinate his wishes to the state. It is emphasised that the state has its own purposes of preservation, expansion and perfection and these are superior to the purpose of the individuals who compose it. It sounds grandiose to say that the state has ends superior to those of the individual composing the state.” But the idealists have no conclusive answers as to why the individuals should subordinate their own ends to those of the state. This theory is bound to encourage dictatorship and arbitrary authority.

III. The Socialist Theory:

The socialists favour maximum possible powers and functions for the state. The state stands for widest scope of functions for the advancement of the people. According to the socialists, the state should control and regulate the economic activities of the people. There should not be an competition or profit motives.

All goods should be produced and regulated by the state. The total income of the state should be equitably distributed among the people, each in proportion to his labour. The socialists believe that “From each according to his capacity and to each according to the quantity and quality of work put in.”

IV. The Utilitarian View:

The utilitarians, the chief of whom is Jeremy Bentham, advocated that the main purpose of the state is to bring maximum happiness to the people. According to Bentham- “Greatest happiness of the greatest number should be the aim or purpose of the state.” The usefulness of any state is done by the touchstone of the happiness or sorrow that will fall on the people. So all state actions should be judged in the touchstone of the real pleasure or sorrowness on the people.

According to Frederick Pollock- “The formula of greatest happiness of greatest number can be made a hook to put in the nostrils of the monster of the state, that he may be tamed and harnessed to the chariot of utility.”

V. The General Welfare Theory:

This theory is a compromise by softening the rigours of both individualism and socialism. According o the exponents of this view, there are three main purposes of the state.

These are:

(i) The state should ensure the welfare of the people;

(ii) The state will strive for the collective welfare of the people in their collective capacity and

(iii) The state should promote the civilisation of the people.

VI. The Anarchist Theory:

According to the anarchists, there is no necessity of the state. They consider the state as the arch enemy of the individuals. Men are by nature cooperative and they can regulate their own affairs without the intervention of the state. It is the state that hinders the cooperative instinct of the people, who are forced to turn unruly and criminal and so the state should be abolished. This has been stated in a clear-cut expression of Prince Peter Kropotkin- “The state has no natural and historical justification. It is a great hindrance in the path of human progress.”


Essay # 4. Attributes of the State:

1. Population:

Population is to the state as flesh is to the body. There cannot be any state without the people inhabiting it. The population comprise the people permanently living in the state. The nomads and the gypsies who lead a wandering life cannot make a population for the purpose of the state.

There is no fixed number of population for any state. Greece, which had city-states, had a small population. For that reason, we find Plato and Aristotle supporting small states with small population. Plato was specific in his size of the population and he put the ceiling at 500 people.

J. J. Rousseau was another political thinker who shared the view that the state should be small, both in size and population.

To say in the words of Rousseau:

“The more the population, the less the liberty.” He put ten thousand beyond which the population of the state must not exceed.

The modern states, however, have a tendency to have big size, both in territory and population. Several thousand square miles are there in the big states like China, the USA and India. Each of them has several crores of population. Monaco is a small state. She has the smallest population which is only 30,000.

The most populous state in the world is China who has a population of 1,102,000,000. The most populous states have the advantage of bigger manpower and a self-sufficient economy. A state with a large population is also viable to become a world power.

2. Territory:

Territory is essential for a state as the bones are for the body. Every state must have a definite land of its own with a settled population in it. There are as many as 177 states in the world today. These are of different sizes, small and large.

The smallest state is Grenada with an area of 344 sq km. while the largest state is the erstwhile USSR with an area of 22,402,200 sq. km. The land that falls within the geographical limit of a state is not the total territory of it.

The territory of a state includes not only the land surface but the underground mineral resources, the rivers inside the state and portion of the sea touching the shore of the state, measuring the sea-belt ranging from three and half miles to eighteen miles. In addition, the air space above the land is also an integral part of the state.

It may be noted that the land covering the offices of the foreign diplomats like the Ambassadors and High Commissioners is to be excluded from the territory of the state. From this it follows that the land occupied by the diplomatic staff, like the Ambassadors and High Commissioners, in all countries of the world must fall within the territorial limit of the state, to which the diplomats belong.

It is ideal for every state to have a compact territory for the purpose of close contact and defence of the country. But this does not always happen. For example, the Hawaii Island of the USA is cut off from the mainland of the
USA and there are few thousand miles that separate them.

There is no road connection between them. Only means of transport is the air and sea. The improved service of the ships and aeroplanes has made it possible for the USA to maintain her link with Hawaii.

3. Government:

Mere existence of the population does not make a state. There must be some authority to regulate the people under law and order. This authority, which forms a part of the population, is called the Government. It is the government that makes, enforces and expresses the will of the people. Settled relation of control and obedience is a must in every state.

This relation can be effected only by the government which is an agency of the state. The entire population of a state cannot do it It must be done through an agency. Thus the government is not only the agency of the state but of the population also. So the government is as much an essential attribute of the state as the population and territory.

The government consists of three organs. They are legislature, executive and judiciary. Each of them has separate field of action. The legislature makes law, the executive enforces it and the judiciary interprets it. This obtains in all states irrespective of the forms of the government, no matter whether it is a democracy or dictatorship, parliamentary or presidential.

Even if there is a change in the government either by election or a coup etat it may affect the government but not the state.

4. Sovereignty:

This element of supremacy in all affairs, internal and external, is the most important attribute of the state. The state is supreme in all internal matters. It can carry on its programme and policy throughout the length and breadth of its area. It can punish any wrong-doer anywhere within its own territory.

The state is also externally sovereign and carries on its foreign and economic policy in the globe. Every state is equal to other states in international law. It is this element of sovereignty that distinguishes the state from all other associations. A small state like Grenada is as much sovereign as a big state like China.

Bihar, Punjab, or Uttar Pradesh are not states:

Bihar is a unit of the state of India. India is a state, but Bihar not. In Bihar there is population, territory and government. But Bihar does not have sovereignty. Thus the absence of sovereignty negatives the concept of the state. For the same reason, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh are not state. Although we talk of the state of Punjab, state of Uttar Pradesh, etc. this type of expression is not the language of political science.

The UNO and the Azad Hind (under Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose) are not state:

The UNO is an international organisation established after the Second World War. It has a parliament called the Legislative Assembly, an executive called the Security Council and a judiciary called the International Court of Justice. Besides, it has several international agencies, through which it functions all over the world.

It has also sovereignty because its writs are obeyed all over the world. So it has two characteristics of the state, namely government and sovereignty. But it lacks in two essential elements of the state, namely population and territory. The UNO has no population of its own. It has no definite territory either. These two deficiencies stand in the way of its becoming a state within the meaning of political science.

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose established a free Government in exile in Singapore. His aim was to carry the Azad Hind Government in India by driving out the British from India. The Azad Hind Government had its own national flag, currency, postal stamps, army, etc. Bose had diplomatic immunity as enjoyed by the envoys of any sovereign state.

It was recognised by Germany, Italy and Japan. Yet, Azad Hind could not be a state because it had no population or territory of its own. It was a government raised in a foreign land, namely Malaya. But the people of Malaya were not the population of Azad Hind. The expected population of Azad Hind was to be the Indians. So Azad Hind could not be called a state.

Palestine is a State:

Palestine Liberation Organisation, which is better known as the PLO, was an institution that claimed the state of Israel as its territory. Under the leadership of Yasser Arafat the PLO was a fugitive institution having no settled population or definite territory. India recognised Yasser Arafat and granted him diplomatic immunity.

But before 15 November 1988, the PLO, was outside Israel. On 15 November 1988, the state of Palestine was declared with Jurusalem as its capital by the Chairman of the PLO, Yasser Arafat in the Israeli occupied west bank of Gaza strip. Algeria, Iraq and Malaya were the first three states to recognise Palastine.

India, then USSR and Afghanistan followed suit. Thus Palestine has all the attributes of a state and so it is a state. But until 15 November 1988 it was not a state.

Idea and Concept of the State:

A line of distinction may be drawn between the idea of the state and the concept of the state. The idea of the state is what the state should be in the future. The concept of the state is what the state is in actual practice.

According to J. K. Bluntschli- “The idea of the state refers to a picture, in splendour of imaginary perfection of the stale as not yet realised but to be striven for and the conception of the state has to do with the nature and essential characteristics of actual states.” To put this in a simple way, the idea of the state is a perfect state complete in all respects as per the speculations of the political philosophers.

The conception of the state consists of the common essentials of the state such as population, territory, government and sovereignty. This aspect of the matter is further explained by J. W. Burgess in the words: “The idea of the state is the state perfect and complete; the concept of the state is making and the development of the world, the two will tend to became identical.”

The idea of the state varies from age to age. For the ancient Greeks, city-state was ideal. In the nineteenth century, the idea of the state was one nation, one state. But in the twentieth century the world state is the ideal of the state.

According to J. W. Burgess- “The state is a gradual and continuous development of human society out of a grossly imperfect beginning through crude but improving form of manifestation towards a perfect and universal organisation of mankind.”

The State and Other Associations:

Before we go to point out the relation between the state and other associations, we should know what is an association. A group of persons having some common views when organised to realise certain common objectives is called an association. So an association has some definite aims which have to be realised through the cooperative efforts of its members.

As a matter of fact, all associations are some organisations directed against realisation of certain human wants and social instincts. This happened in periods of history. But a modern man has some more wants like political, economic, religious, cultural and aesthetic instincts.

A state is a political instinct. The labour union is an economic instinct. The Brahmo Samaj is a religious instinct. The Lalit Kala Academy is a cultural instinct. So we find that all the important facets of our life are reflected through the associations.

The state is one of the associations. It is a political association. Like all other associations, the state has come into existence to fulfill the political instinct of man. It strives at certain and specified ends.

The pluralist school of political philosophers, particularly R. M. MacIver, opined that the state is an association, the fundamental association created for the purp
ose of the maintenance and the development of external condition of the social system. Its object is to make social life viable. The state is a condition precedent for a social life. This view is, however, erroneous, because the state stands on a higher platform.

The State is the Highest Association:

Although the pluralists hold that the state is an ordinary association, this view is not correct. It is not proper to reduce the state to the status of an ordinary association. The state is the supreme type of association, it being superior to all other associations. It is for this reason that the state is said to be the association of all associations. It is the state that creates the conditions for the growth of other associations.

But for the state, all other associations would not be possible, because the state maintains the law and order inductive to the growth and functioning of other associations. The ordinary associations are supreme within their own spheres but the state is supreme not only internally but externally also. The state is a permanent body.

But other associations are temporary. The ordinary associations have limited scope and aim for the development of its members. But the state aims at the all-round development of its citizens for all times to come. So the state is the genus, other associations are species.


Essay # 5. Difference between the State and Other Associations:

In the first place, the state has a territory of its own.  Every state, whether big or small, must have its territorial boundaries which are of permanent nature. Other associations are non-territorial in the sense that an association has no territorial limits.

An association may have a very local field like Delhi University Students’ Union. It may have an all-state area like the All India Congress Committee. It may also have its area all over the world like Young Men’s Christian Association.

In the second place, the membership of the state is compulsory, but the membership of other associations is optional. Every man must be a citizen of one state which is the membership of the state. He cannot remain a non-citizen.

But a man can remain a non-member of an association. One person who is a Christian and young may not be a member of the Young Men’s Christian Association. Nobody can compel him to be its member.

In the third place, membership of the state is singular, but the membership of other association may be both singular and plural. One individual must be a citizen of only one state. He cannot be a citizen of more than one state.

But a member of one association may be member of as many associations as he wishes. For example, a member of the Delhi University Students’ Association may be at the same time a member of All India Congress Committee and Young Men’s Christian Association.

In the fourth place, the state is sovereign, i.e., supreme in all matters, internal and external. But there is no sovereignty with the other associations. This is the most important touchstone that holds the state in upper elevation from the other associations.

In the fifth place, the state is a permanent entity. Other associations may be permanent or temporary. Thus the Delhi University Students’ Union came into existence after the creation of the Delhi University. It may be dissolved by the authorities of the university. But the state of India is in existence from time immemorial. It will also continue forever.

In the sixth place, the state has the police and military organ to carry out its work even by force. This element is lacking in other associations. This power of coercion is a vital point of difference between the state and other associations.

In the seventh place, the state has diversified functions, while other associations have a singular or limited objects and purposes. Even the objects and purposes of all other associations are regulated by the state.

The state is to maintain law and order, defend the country and protect the land and the people from foreign aggression. In addition, the state has to look after agriculture, education and other welfare measures. So it is said that the state is the most powerful of all the associations.

The State and the Government:

The two expressions – state and government are very often used in a confused way. Many think that these two terms are the same. This confusion is not only with the laymen but with the important persons also. So we find the French King Louis XIV saying- “I am the state”.

What he meant was that he was the government of France, not the state of France. The same misconception was noticeable with the Stuart Kings of England.

In political science, the state and the government are quite different. One cannot be identified with the other.  

The following analysis will show that these two terms are quite different:

First, the state is the whole, while the government is a part of it. The state is made up of four things, namely population, territory, sovereignty and government. The state has within it the entire population living within the length and breadth of its area.

But the government consists of only a small fraction of the entire population. But the government is the spokesman or agency of the state. The state cannot function of its own. It is the government through which the state functions.

Secondly, the state is the principal body, while the government is the subordinate agency of the body. We may compare the state with a company and the government may be compared with the Board of Directors of that company. All the functions of company are discharged and carried out by the Board of Directors.

Thirdly, the state is permanent, while the government-is temporary. England is a state which will remain forever. But the government of England is temporary. After every general election a new government is formed by either the Conservative Party or by the Labour Party.

When a government loses the confidence of the House of Commons, the government must go. But the end of the government has got nothing to do with the state. The state of England will continue forever.

Fourthly, the state is abstract, but the government is concrete. In attributes, all states are the same. But the government differs from country to county. The USA and China are both states and there is no difference so far as the state are concerned. But there is a difference in the form of government.

The USA is a democracy, while China is a dictatorship. Again, England and the USA have no difference with regard to statehood. But the government of these two countries is different. The form of government in England is unitary, but it is federal in the form of government in the USA.


Essay # 6. Difference between State and Society:

In the first place, the state is a community of persons organised for law within a definite territory. All the people living within the territorial jurisdiction of the state are its members. But a society knows no territorial limits.

It covers the whole range of human relations, i.e., social, economic, political and religious. So, the society has a wider compass than the state. It is all-embracing and all comprehensive. In the second place, the state is related to a territory and its boundaries are well-defined. But a society cannot be restricted to any territorial framework. For example, the Buddhists constitute a society. The Buddhist society is spread all over the world transcending the boundaries of several states.

A society may also be confined to a particular state, when its extent is narrower than the state. For example, the Anglo-Indians who make up a society are found only in India.

In t
he third place, membership of the state is compulsory. But the membership of a society is optional. The society is purely a voluntary association.

In the fourth place, the state has the power of coercion, which the society does not have. If the laws of the state are violated the state will punish the offenders. The only authority of the society is social customs, conventions and moral persuasions.

Many people make no difference between the state and the society. Even political thinkers like Plato and Aristode fell into the same fallacy by identifying the state with the society. The later idealist philosophers like Immanuel Kant and Friedrich Hegel considered the state co-extensive with the society.

There are some common features between the state and the society. Sometimes, one society is co-terminus with the members of the state. For example, the Jews, who by themselves make a society, constitute the state of Israel.

So Ernest Barker rightly observed- “State and society overlap, they blend, they borrow from one another. But roughly we may say that the area of the one is voluntary cooperation; its energy that of goodwill, its method that of elasticity; while the area of the other is that of mechanical action, its energy forces, its method rigidity.”


Essay # 7. Functions of the State:

There was an old theory of the individualists that the state should simply discharge some police functions like protecting the people from foreign aggression and maintain law and order. This theory is backdated now. The modern concept of the functions of the state is that it should play a positive role in all affairs of the citizens.

Its function is the well-being of the entire body of the citizens. So C. D. Burns rightly held that the state should contribute “to the perfection of national life, to the development of the nation’s health and well-being, its morality and its intelligence.” In the background of the above premises the functions of the state may be divided into two classes.

These are:

(i) Essential or compulsory and

(ii) Non-essential or optional.

(i) Essential or Compulsory Functions:

Protecting the individuals from all internal and external danger which is otherwise known as the police functions is the essential or compulsory functions of the state.

These are discussed below:

1. Defending the country from all foreign invasions. It is the primary duty of all states to protect the citizens from the enemy attacks from outside.

2. The second essential function of the state is to maintain law and order inside the state. Only by maintaining peace and public order the state can protect the life, liberty and property of the people. This includes maintaining property and contract rights, regulation of holdings and administration of civil and criminal justice.

The third essential function is to have relation with foreign countries. No state can live in isolation. It must cultivate diplomatic relations with the other countries.

(ii) Non-Essential or Optional Functions:

The essential functions mentioned above are all bare necessities for the very existence of the state. When the state matures in existence it must adopt some benevolent functions for the welfare of the people. So these optional functions are also known as the welfare functions.

The first non-essential function of the state is the education of the people. Plato was the first to emphasise on a state education. The state can patronise education by directly controlling the education system. The state also can refrain from intervening in the educational matter directly and just encourage and finance it from outside. This happened in India during the Maurya and the Gupta age. In India today right to education is considered a fundamental right.

The second important optional function of the state is to look after the public health and provide medical relief to the citizens.

Woodrow Wilson on Essential Functions of State:

(i) Maintenance of law and order and the protection of life and property from violence and robbery;

(ii) Fixing legal relations between man and his wife and between the parents and children;

(iii) Regulation of the holding, transmission and interchange of property and the determination of its liability for credit or crime;

(iv) Determination of contract rights between individuals;

(v) Definition and punishment of crime;

(vi) Administration of justice in civil cases;

(vii) Determination of political duties, privileges and relations of citizens; and

(viii) Dealings of the state with foreign powers and its protection from foreign aggression.

Woodrow Wilson on Non-essential Functions of State:

(i) Regulation of trade and industry, coinage, weights and measures, tariffs, navigation laws;

(ii) Regulation of labour;

(iii) Maintenance of roads and communication;

(iv) Manufacture and distribution of gas, maintenance of waterworks;

(v) Maintenance of postal and telegraphic systems;

(vi) Sanitation, including regulation of industries and trades for sanitary purposes;

(vii) Education;

(viii) Care of the poor and the incapable;

(ix) Care and cultivation of forests and stocking of rivers with fish;

(x) Sumptuary laws such as prohibition laws.

There cannot be a strong state if the people are weak, sick or physically or mentally disable. A modern function of the state is to encourage family planning which is a part of the public health programme. The state undertakes measures to supply drinking water and keep the drains of the city neat and clean.

The third important non-essential function is to regulate trade and industry. In the past the trade and industries were left to the private individuals and the state would not poke its nose in it. This system made the rich richer and the poor poorer, because the profits from the industries and business accumulated in the hands of the capitalist.

So modern states have adopted schemes to directly control and regulate the trade and industry so that the profit earned from the trade and industry may be used in the welfare of the people by making roads, building bridges, establishing schools, colleges, etc.

The fourth optional function of the state is to build and maintain public utilities like railways, post and telegraphs, radios, telephones, roads, bridges, colleges, libraries, parks and zoos. These are the modern amenities and recreations for the citizens.

The fifth non-essential function of the state is to eradicate poverty. This can be done by arranging employment opportunities in various government avenues. Recently the government of India has made right to work a fundamental right. The government of India has also shown its anxiety to provide reasonable earning to the industrial workers by fixing a minimum wage for them.

Finally, it is also the optional concern of the state to make suitable laws to ameliorate the social, economic and moral life of the people. Thus women’s right to property, widows’ right to remarry and prohibition if the Sati are some of the measures, in that direction. Providing pension 60 the old people, providing employment to the backward communities and providing job opportunities to the physically handicapped persons are other functions in that list.

Functions that are Excluded from the Purview of the Functions of the State:

There are some functions which the state must not do. According to R.M. MacIv
er, the state should not control the press or the public opinion. It should refrain from curbing the political parties. It will be unfair for the state to poke its nose into the customs, culture and outfits of the people. But if the custom is too shocking like human sacrifice or if the dress of the people is indecent, the state can definitely intervene.


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[PDF] International Law: Essay on International Law | Hindi | Political Science

Read this essay in Hindi to learn about the top eight sources of international law. The sources are: 1. रीति-रिवाज या रूढ़ियां (Customs) 2. सन्धियां (Treaties) 3. कानून के सामान्य सिद्धान्त (General Principles of Law) 4. न्यायालयों के निर्णय (Judicial Decisions) 5. विद्वान लेखकों के ग्रन्थ (Writings of Publicists) 6. अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय शिष्टाचार (International Comity) and a few other sources.

Essay # 1.  रीति-रिवाज या रूढ़ियां (Customs):

रीति-रिवाज या रूढ़ियां अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय कानून का प्राचीन और मौलिक स्रोत हैं । रीति-रिवाज से हमारा अभिप्राय ऐसे नियमों से है जो एक लम्बी ऐतिहासिक प्रक्रिया के बाद विकसित होते हैं तथा जिन्हें राष्ट्रों के समाज ने स्वीकार कर लिया है । अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय व्यवहार की परम्पराएं विभिन्न राज्यों द्वारा अनिवार्य समझी जाने पर ही परम्परा बन जाती है ।

अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय कानून में रिवाजों का सम्मान तथा पालन इसलिए किया जाता है कि इस क्षेत्र में कानूननिर्मात्री संस्थाओं का अभाव है तथा राज्यों के पारस्परिक सम्बन्धों का निरूपण परिपाटियों के जरिए किया जाता है । इसके पूर्व कि रीति-रिवाज अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय कानून का रूप ग्रहण करें दो बातों की आवश्यकता है ।

पहले तो यह देखना पड़ेगा कि प्रथा का प्रयोग अनेक बार हुआ हो और इस प्रकार वह मान्य हो गयी हो । दूसरी बात भावना सम्बन्धी है । अमुक प्रकार का व्यवहार बार-बार होने पर विश्वास प्रबल हो जाता है कि भविष्य में भी उसी प्रकार वह मान्य होगा ।

रिवाजी कानून की अनेक कमजोरियां हैं । रिवाजी कानून का पालन करने के लिए किसी राज्य को बाध्य नहीं किया जा सकता । रिवाज बड़े अस्पष्ट तथा धुंधले होते हैं । ऐसी स्थिति में इनका आदर व सम्मान कम होता है ।

Essay # 2.  सन्धियां (Treaties):

सन्धियों को अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय कानून का सबसे महत्वपूर्ण स्रोत माना जाता है । ओपेनहीम के अनुसार- ”अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय सन्धियां ऐसे समझौते हैं जो राज्यों अथवा राज्यों के संगठनों के मध्य किए जाते हैं और कानूनी अधिकार तथा कर्तव्य उत्पत्र करते हैं ।”

सन्धियां मुख्यत: दो प्रकार की होती हैं । कुछ में तो ऐसी शर्तें होती हैं जो सर्वसाधारण के लिए विधि का रूप ग्रहण करती हैं । दूसरे प्रकार की सन्धि सन्धि करने वाले राष्ट्रों से सम्बन्ध रखती हें और उनके लिए ही मान्य होती हैं । ऐसी सथिया आपस के समझौते के रूप मैं होती हैं ।

सिर्फ पहले प्रकार की सन्धियां, जिनका सन्धि वाले राष्ट्रों से ही सम्बन्ध नहीं रहता परन्तु सब राष्ट्रों से होता है अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय विधि का आधार हो सकती हैं । इस प्रकार की सन्धियां 1864 और 1914 के बीच हुईं । रिवाजों की तुलना में सन्धियों का अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय कानून के निर्माण में विशेष महत्व है । सन्धियां लिखित होती हैं, अत: रिवाजों की अपेक्षा अधिक प्रामाणिक मानी जाती हैं । रिवाजों की अपेक्षा सन्धियों को न्यायालय अधिक आदर की दृष्टि से देखते हैं ।

Essay # 3.  कानून के सामान्य सिद्धान्त (General Principles of Law):

अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय न्यायालय की संविधि के अनुच्छेद 38 में सभ्य राष्ट्रों द्वारा मान्य सामान्य सिद्धान्तों को अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय कानून के स्रोतों में स्थान दिया गया है । कानून के सामान्य नियम औचित्य विवेक एवं बुद्धि पर आधारित होते हैं । जहां रिवाजों प्रथाओं तथा सन्धियों का अभाव होता है वहां न्यायाधीश सामान्य सिद्धान्तों की भावना से निर्णय करते हैं ।

ब्रियली के अनुसार- “कानून के सामान्य सिद्धान्तों को उस समय अपनाया जाना चाहिए जब किसी विवाद के समय उपलब्ध अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय कानून कोई मदद न कर सकें ।” कानून के सामान्य सिद्धान्त को अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय कानून का गौण स्रोत ही मानना  चाहिए । इनका आधार नैतिकता और न्याय की विषयगत धारणाएं हैं जिनको कानून नहीं माना जा सकता है ।

Essay # < /b>4. न्यायालयों के निर्णय (Judicial Decisions):

न्यायालयों के निर्णय अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय कानून का गौण स्रोत होते हैं । अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय न्यायालय की संविधि विधान के अनुच्छेद 38 में यह निर्देशित किया गया है कि कानून के नियमों को निर्धारित करने के लिए न्यायाधिकरण के न्यायिक निर्णय सहायक साधनों के रूप में हैं ।

यद्यपि न्यायिक निर्णयों को बाध्यकारी नहीं माना जा सकता किन्तु फिर भी इनमें दोनों पक्षों के विख्यात कानूनशाली सभी दृष्टियों से विवादग्रस्त प्रश्न की मीमांसा करते हैं । इन्हें सुनने वाले न्यायाधीश भी विख्यात विद्वान होते हैं ।

ऐसी स्थिति में ये निर्णय असाधारण महत्व के बन जाते हैं ।

स्टार्क के अनुसार इन निर्णयों से अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय कानून की निम्न स्थितियों का विकास हुआ है:

i. राज्य का उत्तराधिकार,

ii. प्रादेशिक प्रभुता,

iii. तटस्थता, राज्य का क्षेत्राधिकार आदि ।

Essay # 5.  विद्वान लेखकों के ग्रन्थ (Writings of Publicists):

अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय न्यायालय के विधान की धारा 38 में स्पष्ट रूप से वर्णन किया गया है कि भिन्न-भिन्न राष्ट्रों के प्रमुख विधिवेत्ताओं के उपदेश अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय विधि में कानून के रूप में प्रयुक्त होंगे । ऐसे लेखकों के लेख अपनी वैज्ञानिक योग्यता अथवा गुण के अतिरिक्त तुलनात्मक दृष्टि में राज्यों के कार्यों की वैधानिक दृष्टि से छानबीन करते है और महत्वपूर्ण निर्णय देते हैं । 

इन लेखकों के लेख स्वतन्त्र रूप से कानून के स्रोत का रूप धारण नहीं करते हैं, परन्तु समय व्यतीत होने पर वे अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय विधि का रूप धारण कर लेते हैं क्योंकि वे विनियुक्त दलीलें प्रयोग करते हैं । ग्रोशियस, वाटेल, लार्ड ब्रन्सली, लैटिमर, लारेन्स, ओपेनहीम, स्टार्क, ब्रेट, ह्वीटन आदि विद्वानों के नाम इस सम्बन्ध में उल्लेखनीय हैं ।

आरम्भ में अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय विधि का निर्माण विद्वान लेखकों के ही हाथों में था । आज भी जब राज्यों में किसी नियम विशेष के सम्बन्ध में विवाद उपस्थित होता है तब प्रामाणिक ग्रन्थों के विचारों के आधार पर निर्णय का प्रयत्न किया जाता है ।

Essay # 6. अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय शिष्टाचार (International Comity):

ओपेनहीम के अनुसार, राष्ट्रीय शिष्टाचार ने भी अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय विधि का विकास किया है । पारस्परिक व्यवहार में राष्ट्र शिष्टाचार तथा सद्‌भावना सम्बन्धी रीति-रिवाजों को बाध्यकारी समझते हैं । इस प्रकार के अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय नियम विधि नहीं हैं बल्कि शिष्टाचार की विधि हैं ।

यद्यपि अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय शिष्टाचार अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय विधि का स्रोत नहीं है, तथा पहले जिसे अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय शिष्टाचार समझा जाता था उसे अब अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय विधि समझा जाता  है । राष्ट्रों के शिष्टाचार को रीति-रिवाज नहीं समझना चाहिए । कूटनीतिक प्रतिनिधि राजदूत विभिन्न देशों में चुंगी तथा आय शुल्क से मुक्त होते हैं । ऐसा अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय शिष्टाचार के कारण ही होता है ।

Essay # 7. अपने अधिकारियों के पथ-प्रदर्शन के लिए राज्यों के आदेश (State Papers):

राजनीतिज्ञों की घोषणाएं विधिवेत्ताओं के परामर्श जो वे समय-समय पर अपने राज्य की सरकार को देते हैं अथवा अन्य राज्यों से सम्बन्धित कागजात के विषय में देते हैं तथा जो अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय दृष्टि से महत्वपूर्ण हैं उनको भी अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय व्यवहार में प्रयुक्त किया जाता है क्योंकि ये घोषणाएं और परामर्श अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय महत्व के समझे जाते हैं ।

विभिन्न राज्यों द्वारा आपस में जो पत्र-व्यवहार किया जाता है उसे श्वेत नीले या लाल रंगों के आवरण से युत्ह पुस्तकों में प्रकाशित किया जाता है । उदाहरण के लिए साझा बाजार में प्रवेश हेतु किए गए प्रयासों को
ब्रिटिश सरकार ने श्वेत पत्र के रूप में प्रकाशित किया ।

Essay # 8. तर्क (Reason):

जब किसी विवाद या नवीन परिस्थिति के लिए कोई नियम नहीं होता तो विधिवेत्ताओं द्वारा तर्क प्रणाली के आधार पर प्रश्नों को सुलझाया जाता है । यहां तर्क का अर्थ किसी बुद्धिशील व्यक्ति के तर्क से नहीं वरन् न्यायिक तर्क से है । कानून का यह सर्वथा उचित स्रोत माना जाता है और इसे अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय न्यायाधिकरणों के निर्णयों में प्रयुक्त किया जाता है ।

निष्कर्षत:

स्टार्क के शब्दों में- “कई बार न्यायालयों के समुख ऐसे प्रश्न आते हैं, जिनके सम्बन्ध में अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय कानून के सन्धियों वाले या परम्परागत आधार के नियमों का नितान्त अभाव होता है । इस अवस्था में अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय विधिशास्त्रियों की सम्मतियों और ग्रन्थों का महत्व बहुत बढ़ जाता है ।”

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Here is a compilation of essays on the ‘Planning Commission in India’ for class 9, 10, 11 and 12. Find paragraphs, long and short essays on the ‘Planning Commission in India’ especially written for school and college students.

Planning Commission in India  


Essay Contents:

  1. Essay on the Origin of Planning Commission in India
  2. Essay on the Functions Planning Commission in India 
  3. Essay on the Organization of the Planning Commission
  4. Essay on the Evaluation Planning Commission in India
  5. Essay on the Research Programme Committee of Planning Commission in India
  6. Essay on the Procedure of Planning Commission
  7. Essay on the Planning Commissions at Various Levels
  8. Essay on the Implementation of Plans
  9. Essay on the Role of Planning Commission
  10. Essay on the Planning and Public Administration
  11. Essay on the Criticisms of the Planning Commission in India

Essay # 1. Origin of Planning Commission in India:

Ever since Dadabhai Naoroji published his paper on Poverty of India in 1876, Indian leaders had urged the necessity of coordinated action in the economic field as a means to the economic development of the country.

As the struggle for national independence progressed, its social and economic aims became more definite. Much useful programme in the field of na­tional planning was adopted by the National Planning Committee which was set up in 1938 by the Indian National Congress, with Shri Nehru as its Chairman.

The work of this Committee was, however, unfortunately interrupted due to the outbreak of the Second World War during which period, many of its members were sent to jails. In 1944, the Government of India set up a separate Department of Planning and Development for the schemes to be undertaken after the war.

Towards the end of 1946, the Advisory Planning Board with Sh. K.C. Neogy as Chairman which was established by the Interim Government of India, recommended the appointment of a Planning Commission to devote continuous attention to the whole field of economic develop­ment and to suggest methods and means to rebuild the shattered economy of the country.


Essay # 2. Functions Planning Commission in India:

(i) To make an assessment of the material, capital and human resources of the country, including technical personnel, and to investigate the possibilities of augmenting such of those resources as are found to be deficient in relation to the nation’s requirements;

(ii) To formulate a Plan for the most effective and balanced utilization of the country’s resources;

(iii) To define the stages in which the Plan should be carried out and to propose the allocation of resources for the due completion of each stage on a determination of priorities;

(iv) To indicate the factors which are tending to retard economic development, and deter­mine the conditions which, in view of the current social and political situation, should be estab­lished for the successful execution of the Plan;

(v) To determine the nature of the machinery which would be necessary for securing the successful implementation of each stage of the Plan in all its aspects;

(vi) To appraise from time to time the progress achieved in the execution of each stage of the Plan and to recommend the adjustments of policy and measures that such appraisal might show to be necessary; and

(vii) To make such interim or ancillary recommendations as might be appropriate on a consideration of the prevailing economic conditions, current policies, measures and develop­ment programmes, or an examination of such specific problems as may be referred to it for advice by Central or State Governments or for facilitating the discharge of the duties assigned to it.


Essay # 3. Organization of the Planning Commission:

During over five decades of its functioning the Planning Commission’s composition has been undergoing changes from time to time. To begin with (i.e., in 1951-52) it consisted of four members. In 1964-65 its membership stood at five members. In the seventies of the present century, it was reconstituted. Its functions were also modified to ensure that the shortfalls in production do not recur.

The functions hitherto performed by the Deputy-Chairman Planning Com­mission were entrusted to the Planning Minister. The post of Deputy Chairman of Planning Commission was abolished. Till February 1973 the Commission consisted of Chairman and three other members.

In March 1973 the number was raised to 4. In 1977 the Janata Party reconstituted the Planning Commission. The Finance Minister, the Defence Minister and the Home Minister were added to the Planning Commission as part-time members besides three full-time members.

In January, 1980 Mrs. Indira Gandhi again came to power. She terminated the Sixth Flan formulated under the patronage of the Janata Government and declared that a new plan for 1980-85 would be formulated. With this end in view, the Planning Commission was reconstituted.

Under Rajiv Gandhi, the Planning Commission consisted of eight members including the Deputy Chairman of whom five were full-time and two part-time members.

The National Front Government led by Sh. V.P. Singh changed the membership of Planning Com­mission to nine. Under the Rao Government, the Planning Commission consisted of eight full time members besides four ministers and a Dy. Chairman. The coalition Governments succeed­ing Rao Government found little time to give any thought to the organisation and role of the Planning Commission.

As regards the composition of Planning Commission, it may be noted that with the take­over of every new government, a major reshuffle is affected in the Planning Commission. The number of full-time members has varied from time-to-time.

The Administrative Reforms Com­mission had recommended that the Prime Minister should not be the Chairman of the Commis­sion; of course, he will be continuously informed of the matters coming up for discussion at the meetings of the Commission.

He may attend its meetings and when he so attends, he will pre­side. The A.R.C. did not also favour the appointment of ministers as members of the Commis­sion. It was of the view that the number of members should not exceed seven to be selected on the basis of their expertise and experience.

For administrative purposes the Commission has a Secretary who is assisted by a Joint Secretary and a Deputy Secretary. Besides, they are assisted by senior administrative staff, senior and junior research staff, junior administrative and clerical staff, and miscellaneous staff.

The Programme Advisers (Programme Administration):

The Programme Advisers (Programme Administration) have the status of ex-officio Ad­ditional Secretaries to the Government of India. Assistance to the members of the Commission in matters requiring field study and observation is provided by a team of four senior officers known as Advisers (Programme Administration).

These officers have considerable experience of administration in the States and they help the Commission in keeping close touch with the progress of planning and its implementation. They also pay specific attention to the problems of finance and public co-operation.

The General Secretariat:

The General Secretariat consists mainly of three branches—Plan Co-ordination, General Co-ordination and Administration, and an Orga
nization and Methods Section. It is staffed by members of the Administrative and Central Clerical and Secretariat Services. The General Sec­retariat performs both coordinating and house-keeping functions.

It concerns itself primarily with matters of common interest to the Commission and keeps in touch with questions of general policy, bringing to notice and seeking according to the needs of a case the advice of Secretary, Deputy Chairman, or individual members or the Commission as a whole.

The Technical Divisions:

The Technical Divisions perform the most important work and constitute the backbone of the office of the Planning Commission. They vary in size but ordinarily, a head of a research unit is described as Chief and where a less senior officer is in-charge he is known as Director.

Chiefs and Directors are assisted by Assistant Chiefs. Each research unit consists of some re­search staff like Senior Research Officers, Research Officers and Investigators and some Secre­tariat staff.

There are in all twenty-six such Technical Units in the Planning Commission. The senior positions in the Technical divisions are occupied by subject-specialists who come from Indian Economic Service. It is in these Divisions that various types of data are collected and processed and put in shape to help in the formulation of plan programmes and policies.

The Technical Divisions are responsible for scrutiny and analysis of schemes and programmes to be included in the Plan, preparation of material for and reports on the Plan, conduct of technical studies and research, follow-up on Plan recommendations, examination of references from Cen­tral Ministries, State governments and voluntary agencies in regard to Plan programmes and projects.

Administrative Reforms Commission (A.R.C.) Suggestions on Organization of Commission:

As regards the members of the Commission, they suggested, that the members should be chosen for their expertise, wisdom and knowledge of handling men and affairs.

They said, “what we need is not narrow specialization but wide knowledge and experience in major areas of development such as agriculture and rural economy. The persons chosen should enjoy a repu­tation in the country as a whole for their wisdom, impartiality, integrity and objectivity.”

Since the administrative staff had increased by 454 per cent and efficiency of its function­ing had consequently suffered a setback the Administrative Reforms Commission, through its Study Team, got the working of the Planning Commission examined. The Study Team’s recom­mendations which are enumerated below were endorsed by the A.R.C. and submitted to the Government of India on March 14, 1968.

Recommendations of A.R.C.:

(A) The commission’s secretariat should be re-organized in order to focus its activities around two principal functions, viz.,

(i) Plan formulation and revision;

(ii) Plan appraisal and evaluation, to reduce waste in money and personnel.

(B) The Planning Commission should be divested of its executive functions so that it may concentrate on the planning and evaluation functions.

Long-term research activities should also be taken away from the Planning Commission. Primary research work should be got organized through other official and non-official agencies. The operating and field agencies of the government should be used for the collection of data.

The Government accepted all these recommendations of the A.R.C. and re-organized the commission and its secretariat in 1969.

The reorganized commission organized itself into two secretariat branches for dealing with the work relating to:

(i) Administrative work in the Planning Commission; and

(ii) Coordination.

National Development Council:

India having a Federal Constitution, it is imperative that there should be close co-operation between the Planning Commission and the States. For this purpose National Development Coun­cil was set up as a result of Government resolution on August 6, 1952 which consists of the Prime Minister of India, Chief Ministers of all the States and the members of the Planning Commission.

The Ministers of the Central Government also participate in its meetings and the Council makes recommendations to the Central as well as to the State Governments. The meet­ings of the Council are held at least twice a year. Decisions in the Council are usually unanimous and conventionally resolutions are not put to vote.

The main functions of the National Development Council are as follows:

(i) To review the working of the National Plan from time-to-time;

(ii) To consider important questions of social and economic policy affecting national de­velopment;

(iii) To recommend measures for the achievement of the aims and targets set out in the National Plan, including measures to secure the active participation and co-operation of the people, improve the efficiency of the administrative services, ensure the fullest development of the less advanced regions and sections of the community, and, through sacrifice borne equally by all citizens, build up resources for national development.

The National Development Council has been evolved as an administrative agency to achieve the fullest co-operation and co-ordination in planning between the Central Government and State Governments and to bring about uniformity of approach and unanimity in the working of the National Plan. It consists of the policy makers in power, whose opinion cannot be ignored by the Planning Commission and the Cabinet.


Essay # 4. Evaluation Planning Commission in India:

The National Development Council has been quite successful in bridging and linking the Union Government, the Planning Commission and the various State Governments.

Secondly, it has served as a good forum for discussions and free exchange of ideas and has created a sense of high responsibility on the part of the State governments for making plans a success. Thirdly, it has served as a device for the sharing of responsibility between states and union governments.

In the words of V.T. Krishnamachari, “It provides a forum in which the Union Ministers and Chief Ministers of States discuss the Plans at important stages in their formulation. Plans are also approved at its meetings after completion and before they are presented to the Parlia­ments and State Legislatures. In this way, the national character of the plans is emphasized. The council also considers social and economic policies affecting the country from a national point of view so that where necessary, uniformity may be secured. In this way, it gives a lead to the country on broad issues of policy and promotes collective thinking and joint action on matters of national importance.”

However, there are persons who view the growing powers of the Council as a danger to the privileges of the Central and State Cabinets. They charge the N.D.C. for usurping authority and functioning as a ‘virtual super-cabinet’.

Thus, Brecher writes in the biography of Pt. Nehru:

“The National Development Council was established as a supreme administrative and advisory body on planning……. it lays down policy directives invariably approved by the cabinet. Since their inception the N.D.C. and its Standing Committee have virtually relegated the Planning Commission to the status of a research arm.”

H.M. Patel, retired I.C.S., expressed a similar view, “Among the Advisory Bodies to the Planning Commission is included the N.D.C. This is surely inaccurate, as is clear from its composition. The N.D.C. is a body obviously superior to the Planning Commission. It is, indeed, a policy-making body and its recommendations cannot but be regarded as policy decisions and not merely as advisory suggestions.”

Santhanam is a little more unsympathetic when
he says “The position of the N.D.C. has come to approximate to that of a super-cabinet of the entire Indian Federation, a Cabinet functioning for the Government of India as well as for the Government of all States.” Late Mr. A.P. Jain, Food Minister, charged the N.D.C. for acting arbitrarily.

He felt that N.D.C. encroaches upon the functions which constitutionally belong to other bodies—Councils of Ministers at the Central and State levels. Sometimes, it approves too high targets of production even without the prior con­sultations of the Ministry concerned. Thus, in 1956, the targets of food production in the Sec­ond Plan were suddenly raised by the Council without the prior consultation of the Food Min­istry.

Similarly, in 1958, the Council decided in favour of State Trading without making sure as to whether the State Governments had the capacity to enforce controls under the State Trading. In Jain’s opinion the Council is incompetent, both by law and by the nature of its composition, to take high-level national decisions. It is suited for deliberation but decisions must be left to the Cabinets at the Centre and the States.

The only defence that can be given to the N.D.C. from the above criticism is that it is neither a constitutional nor a statutory body; rather it is a creature of the Union Cabinet and as such its role is only advisory and its recommendations have no binding character.

By the very nature of its composition, the Council is likely to gain more and more influence and prestige but this should not be taken as an alarm to the powers of the Union and State Cabinets. It is only a high-ranking policy-making body and it is for the Cabinets to decide as to the degree of weight to be given to its recommendations.

It may also be remarked under the era of coalition Government the National Development Council has become the national platform for the regional governments in the states to ventilate their local grievances and complain of discrimination in the allocation of funds and projects.

At the meeting of NDC there is little discussion and deliberation about how to bring co-ordination and integration of state policies and programmes and more hue and cry about the alleged dis­crimination.

Instead of playing the role of being a deliberative body, it has now become a complaint and grievances forum wherein the chief ministers particularly those belonging to the opposition parties get an opportunity to criticize the Central Government in order to formulate their political agenda.

Programme Evaluation Organisation and Committee on Plan Projects:

In addition to National Development Council there are special bodies:

(i) Programme Evaluation Organization and

(ii) Committee on Plan Projects.

The Programme Evaluation Organization:

The Programme Evaluation Organization (P.E.O.) was originally set up in 1952 for making a systematic and periodic assessment of the methods and results of the Community Development programmes and National Extension movements. The functions of the organiza­tion were later extended so as to cover the field of rural development and to act as eyes and ears of the Planning Commission in rural areas.

The organisation is assisted in technical matters by the Programme Evaluation Board. At the headquarters it consists of a Director and several deputy directors, a number of Research Officers and other staff. There are three regional evalu­ation offices under the administrative control of P.E.O.

The main functions of the Programme Evaluation Organisation are:

(a) To make a systematic recurring evaluation of the methods and results of the Commu­nity Development Programme by keeping all concerned apprised currently of the progress being made towards accomplishing the programme objectives.

(b) To point out those extension methods which are proving effective and which are not.

(c) To furnish an insight into impact of the Community Development Programme upon the economy and culture of India.

(d) To help explaining as to why some recommended practices are adopted while others are rejected by the village.

At Present the P.E.O. Performs Two Main Tasks, viz.:

(i) A general appraisal of the progress of the programme with detailed examination of those aspects which may be of particular interest and

(ii) Field surveys to assess the impact of programme on economic and social conditions. At the outset, greater emphasis was laid on general assessment. Later on, it devoted more time to analytical examination of particular aspects.

The P.E.O. has brought out Annual Evaluation Reports making a general review of the programme and giving a detailed description of its work in certain specified evaluation centres. Moreover, it conducted certain important surveys and enquiries.

The organization not only main­tains a record of the suggestions and recommendations made by it, it also checks the action taken by the Community Development Ministry and the State Governments on them. Sometimes it makes an objective test of finding out as to what is actually occurring in the field.

It issues directions to the field officers to see as to what extent the weaknesses in the programme pointed out are remedied or not remedied.

The Committee on Plan Projects:

The Committee on Plan Projects was set up in 1956 in pursuance of a decision of the National Development Council, for exploring the possibility of achieving economy consistent with efficiency in the projects included in the Second Plan.

The Functions of the Committee were:

(a) To organize investigations, including inspections in the fields of important projects both at the Centre and in the States through specially selected teams. The teams are composed of technical personnel and eminent public men with experience of the subjects detailed for study;

(b) To initiate studies with the object of evolving suitable forms of organisation, methods, standards and techniques for achieving economy, avoiding waste and ensuring efficient execu­tion of projects;

(c) To promote the development of suitable machinery for continuous efficiency audit in individual projects and in agencies responsible for their execution;

(d) To secure the implementation of suggestions made in reports submitted to the Com­mittee on Plan Projects and to make the results of studies and investigations generally available; and

(e) To undertake such other tasks as the National Development Council may propose for the promotion of economy and efficiency in the execution of the Second Five-Year Plan.

The COPP was composed of Home Minister—its Chairman—the Ministers for Planning and Finance and the Deputy Chairman of Planning Commission as its members. Besides, two Chief Ministers of States for each category of projects are the nominees of the Prime Minister attached to the Committee. Moreover, the Union Minister concerned with the project under investigation is also to be its member.

Although set up in the background of the Second Five-Year Plan, the COPP now devotes its main attention to studies relating to management and administration and to economies in construction costs. It works through several teams and groups, which are composed of technical personnel and eminent public men with experience of the subjects detailed for study.

For proper investigation the committee has divided the projects under certain heads—irri­gation and power, public works and buildings, agriculture and communications, public, indus­trial and universal enterprises and social services. For each set of projects the committee works through groups of ministers, both the Central and of the States.

Reports of investigation teams are discussed with the Chief Ministers of states concerned. Matters of general policy concerning investigation of the projects are considered from time to time in meetings of the Standing Com­mittee of the N.D.C. For instance, the team for the stu
dy of Community Projects and National Extension Services rendered a remarkable service under the Chairmanship of Balwantrai Mehta.

It made a detailed study of the working of local bodies and development blocks and recom­mended a new three-tier organization of local and development administration in the district. These recommendations were implemented with minor modifications in different States.

Thus era of democratic decentralization ushered in. Its report on the working of social welfare agen­cies in the country was also equally commendable.


Essay # 5. Research Programme Committee of Planning Commission in India:

For the purpose of undertaking research in economic, administrative and social problems, the Planning Commission has set up a special organisation, viz., the Research Committee. The Committee consists of the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission and most eminent social scientists.

It invites research projects from interested research workers, gives necessary technical guidance to the research workers and provides them with financial assistance. It organizes research on problems of social and economic growth.

Besides, the Planning Commission is also assisted by a number of Advisory and Associ­ated bodies such as Advisory Committee on Irrigation; Flood Control and Power Projects; Co­ordination Committee for Planning Forums ; National Advisory Committee on Public Co-operation; Capital Goods Committee; Foreign Agreements Committee etc.

The Reserve Bank of India and the Indian Statistical Organization are also closely associated with the work of Plan­ning Commission.

The system of appointing a number of working groups at the stage of the formulation of a plan is also a very important part of the Indian Planning procedure. In connection with the formulation of a Plan a number of working groups are set up. Some of the important working groups are on Resources, Agriculture, Steel, Industrial Machinery, Community Development, Fuel, Fertilizers, and General Education etc.

The reports of these working groups form the basic material for the formulation of the Plan.

The Planning Commission also consults the representatives of some of the important organisations in the private sector such as Federation of Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Associated Chambers of Commerce of India, All India Manufacturers’ Organisation, etc.

It also meets separately the representatives of important private sector industries. Thus at­tempt is made to secure the co-operation of the private sector enterprises also in the formulation of Plan.


Essay # 6. Procedure of Planning Commission:

The Planning Commission has Evolved a Certain Planning Procedure which may be Ex­plained briefly as follows:

In the light of the basic political, social and economic objectives of the Government of India, the Planning Commission lays down tentatively certain general goals to be achieved over a relatively long period, say, 15 or 20 years, after a careful survey of the economic resources of the country and in the light of various technical possibilities.

After these tentatively long-term objectives are approved by the Government of India, the Planning Commission formulates cer­tain broad five-year targets, keeping this long-term picture in view. These broad five-year tar­gets are purely guidelines and are given for detailed discussions to various working groups, one for each important sector.

These groups consist of economists, technicians and high-level ad­ministrators who work out the details of the policies and programmes needed for achieving these targets. On the report of these working groups, the Planning Commission prepares a short memorandum of the Five-Year Plan which it places before the Cabinet and the National Devel­opment Council.

After the approval of the Cabinet and the National Development Council, the outlines of the Plan are prepared and published. The Draft Outline of the Plan which lays down the objectives, aims and estimates of the resources is placed before the Parliament for approval. The Draft is also widely discussed in the press, universities and other interested political and economic circles.

At the same time, the Planning Commission invites comments from the State Governments and the Central Ministries. In the light of these discussions, debates and com­ments, the Planning Commission re-drafts the Plan and submits it to the Cabinet, National Development Council and the Parliament for final approval.

At the same time the States, dis­tricts and the blocks prepare their own plans keeping in view the Draft Outline. These are modified later in the light of the Final Plan approved by the Parliament.

Unlike many other countries, the approval of the Plan by the Parliament is considered to be sufficient and no separate enactment is thought essential for giving statutory authority to the Plan. The Plan as approved by the Parliament becomes the final plan, and is sent to all concerned authorities and organisations for implementation.

As five-year term is a relatively long period it is a practice in India to break up the five- year plan into a series of annual plans. After each year of Plan the Planning Commission along with the Central Ministries and the State Governments reviews the progress of the Plan during the previous years, re-assesses the resources and formulates an annual plan for the next year.

This links the plan with the budget. “An annual plan introduces on the one hand, a much- needed flexibility in the implementation of the Five-Year Plan and, on the other, sets out the programme of development to be implemented every year with sufficient details.”


Essay # 7. Planning Commission at Various Levels:

Planning Machinery at the State Level:

At the State level there is no Planning Commission but there is a State Planning Depart­ment. The department keeps close touch with the Central Planning Commission and the various departments of the State, coordinating their programmes for development and formulating the development plan for the State as a whole.

The Plan prepared by it is put first to the Council of Ministers of the State, then to a State Development Board or Planning Advisory Committee which usually consists of State Ministers and important non-official representatives and finally to the State Legislatures.

The suggestions made by the Planning Commission are generally kept in view, otherwise the procedure of Planning at the State level is practically similar to that at the Centre.

Planning Boards for States:

The Planning Commission has suggested to State Governments that every, one of them should establish a State Planning Board. These Boards, it has been suggested, could be set up, more or less, on the lines of the Planning Commission and they could assist the State Governments in the formulation of the main policies and solution of the basic problems of implementation.

These boards, in the view of the Planning Commission, could have the Chief Ministers of the States as their Chairmen and could also include the State Finance Ministers as members. Like the Central Planning Commission, the State Boards could each have two or three full-time members who possess special experience and knowledge of planning and economic problems.

The States have been also given the hint that the Statistical Bureaus in the States could function in close association with the State Planning Boards which could gradually develop their own expertise on planning.

Case for Boards:

The Planning Commission seems to be of the view that State Planning Boards would be able to tackle planning problems more comprehensive
ly than individual Departments of State Governments who are mainly concerned with implementation of specific projects and solution of particular problems.

The State Planning Boards, it is felt, could also assess the proposals of individual departments and help them to plan in a more systematic way and with better perspective. The State Planning Boards could also coordinate the developmental schemes of the State better.

The formation of the State Boards, in the opinion of the Planning Commission, will also facilitate improvement in the quality of planning and help in the evolution of more flexible procedures on matters like Central assistance and annual planning.

It is also felt that the State Planning Boards could contribute much in bringing about closer collaboration between the Planning Commission and the States in drawing up the Plan for long-term development.

Planning at District and Block Levels:

Below the State level an attempt is made to undertake the work of planning at the District and Block levels. This is done jointly by the officers of the various development departments and the members of the District Councils or Block Councils and/or the non-official representa­tives. The District Collectors and the Block Development Officers are responsible for co-ordina­tion at the district and block levels, respectively.

Planning at Village Level:

An experiment is being made to carry the process of planning to the village level. The village plan is to be prepared by the Village Panchayats or Councils and Co-operatives with the help of the development and extension staff at the block and the village levels.


Essay # 8. Implementation of Plans:

The Plan, as finally adopted, is implemented by the administrative ministries of the Central Government and of the State Governments in their respective spheres. Planning Commission is an advisory body and has no executive function. It is a staff agency to aid and advise the government and as such it has no direct responsibility for the administration of plan programmes.

The plan is implemented on annual basis. This is because the Five-Year Plan cannot be implemented as a whole. Every state draws an annual plan on the basis of targets and alloca­tions for the Five-Year Plan. Annual planning provides for flexibility in the implementation of the Plan Programmes in accordance with the economic and fiscal situation from time-to-time.

The annual plan sets out the programmes of development to be implemented every year in relation to the Five-Year Plan.

However, the Commission does keep itself informed about the implementation of various plan projects. Its Advisers tour the states and assess progress on a continuing basis and make recommendations necessary to move the programmes ahead.

The Commission also undertakes publicity and information work to acquaint the people with the plan and stimulate their coopera­tion in its implementation. The Committee on Plan Projects and Programme Evaluation Organi­zation assists the Commission in the implementation and evaluation of the Plan.


Essay # 9. Role of the Planning Commission:

For a country like India, the Planning Commission occupies a key position. “In some ways, Planning Commission is a unique institution, and in the sphere of governmental organisation, there has hardly been any recent development comparable, in its practical importance or in its general significance, from the point of view of the ‘Science of Public Administration’, to the growth of the Planning Commission.”

It is mainly a staff agency of the Government of India and acts as nerve centre of national thinking.

Although it has neither constitutional nor statutory authority yet it has come to exercise significant influence over the formulation of public policies even in matters other than those of economic development. It mostly relies on consultation and agreement.

“While the Planning Commission itself often takes the initiative in suggesting new policies or programmes, one of its main functions is to coordinate policies or programmes origi­nating from other agencies of Government. It seems to perform this function through arranging a large number of consultations between various interested agencies and by making the fullest use of knowledge and experience available with them for the purposes of formulation as well as evaluation of the Plan. One notable achievement of Planning Commission is that it has devel­oped the process of planning into great cooperative endeavour and in this process conventions and formal understanding play no less an important role than formal legislation and order.”

Unlike a research institute which works in an ivory tower and is out of touch with the various political, economic and social problems, the Planning Commission makes a realistic approach and devotes itself almost entirely to the formulation of the Plan and evaluation of the progress achieved in the execution of each stage of the Plan.

It maintains a liaison between the various Ministries of the Government of India and the State Governments. The Planning Commission has so far submitted eleven Five-Year Plans to Parliament.

A Brief Synopsis of these Plans is as below:

First Five-Year Plan:

First Five-Year Plan, 1951-56, emphasized on development of agriculture and transporta­tion and communications, rehabilitation of refugees and control of inflation. The investment projected was Rs. 1960 crores.

Second Five-Year Plan:

Second Five-Year Plan, 1956-61, laid emphasis on rapid industrialisation with particular emphasis on the development of basic and heavy industries, large expansion of employment opportunities and reduction of inequalities of income and wealth. The total investment was Rs.4, 600 crores.

Third Five-Year Plan:

Third Five-Year Plan, 1961-66, aimed at securing a marked advance towards self-sus­taining growth by securing an increase in the national income by over 5 percent, achieving self- sufficiency in food grains, expanding basic industries and utilizing fully the man-power resources of the country. The total projected investment was Rs. 11,600 crores.

Fourth Five-Year Plan:

Fourth Five-Year Plan, 1969-1974. The period 1966-69 was a period of plan holiday due to the situation created by the Indo-Pakistan conflict, two successive years of severe drought, devaluation of currency and erosion of resources available for plan progress.

The Fourth Plan set before itself two main objectives, viz. ‘growth with stability’ and ‘progressive achievement of self-reliance.’ It laid particular emphasis on the improvement of the conditions of the less privileged and weaker sections of the society. It envisaged an aggregate outlay of Rs. 24,882 crores.

Fifth Five-Year Plan:

Fifth Five-Year Plan, 1974-1979, carried forward the goals of the fourth plan with the additional emphasis on self-reliance. The total outlay was Rs. 53,411 crores.

Sixth Five-Year Plan:

Sixth Five-Year Plan, there were two Sixth Five-Year Plans. The Janata Government which came to power in 1977 terminated the Fifth Five-Year Plan at the end of the financial year 1977-78 and formulated the Sixth Five-Year Plan for the period 1978-83 which empha­sized higher rate of growth, reduction in the disparity of income and wealth, removal of unem­ployment and appreciable rise in the standard of living of the poorest section of the population. The total outlay was Rs. 1, 41, 377 crores.

After the fall of Janata Government in 1979, the Congress (I) Government which came to power in January 1980 terminated the Sixth Five-Year Plan and put up another new plan for the period 1980-85 which sought to strengthen the infra­structure for both agriculture and industry, laid emphasis on a speedy develop
ment of indig­enous sources of energy, and progressive reduction of social, economic and regional disparities in the field of development.

It also sought to meet the minimum basic needs of the people and provide opportunities for employment. The new Sixth Plan had a total outlay of Rs. 1,58110 crores.

Seventh Five-Year Plan:

Seventh Five-Year Plan, 1985-90, sought to achieve an overall growth rate of five per cent for the economy with the growth rate of agriculture fixed at four percent and that of industry at eight percent.

It laid special emphasis on self-sufficiency in food, modernisation and updating of technology in all sectors, both industry and agriculture, rural employment, anti- poverty programmes reducing the number of people below the poverty line from 272.7 million to 210.8 million. The total plan outlay was Rs. 3, 22,366 crores.

Eighth Five-Year Plan, 1992-97:

Again there were two Annual Plans for the year 1990- 91 and 1991-92 due to political changes in the country. The National Front Government due to its short life could not decide on plan priorities and present a plan to the nation. The Rao Government on assumption of power in June 1991 began its exercise on the Eighth Five-Year Plan and approved the Eighth Plan in May 1992 with a total outlay of Rs. 7, 98,000 crores.

The focus of the plan was on employment generation in the rural areas. It sought to achieve an annual growth rate of 5.6 percent. The main thrust, was towards the alleviation of poverty, creation of new jobs and technological innovation. Stress was laid on participatory planning and role of private sector.

Of the total investment, the share of the public sector was to be 45 per cent. The role of public sector had not been “downgraded”, but the private sector, as its relative contribution to the total investments envisaged shows, had been decisively “upgraded.”

The Ninth Plan (1997-2002) envisaged a public outlay of Rs. 859200 crores. It was ap­proved by NDC on Feb. 19, 1999, 2 years behind schedule.

The 10th Plan (2002-07) targeting 8 percent growth annually during 2002-07 was ap­proved by the Union Cabinet on October 29, 2002. It envisaged an outlay of Rs. 15,92,300 crore the central plan outlay being Rs. 9,21,291 crores whereas the outlay for the states and the Union Territories was fixed at Rs. 6,71,009 crores.

However, with the new UPA Government led by the Congress Party and supported by the Leftist group in power, and changes in the composition of Planning Commission Sri Montek Singh Ahluwalia the renowned economist being the new vice-chairman, the Plan formulated by the earlier NDA Government was revised to fulfill the promises made by the Congress Party to the voters.

The Draft of 11th Five Year Plan (2007-2012) has also been approved by the National Development Council.


Essay # 10. Planning and Public Administration:

Public Administration in its earliest stage was concerned with maintenance of law and order, but as the society enhanced and its structure became complex public administration as­sumed wider functions and acquired pivotal importance particularly in developing countries like India which are engaged in a massive effort to free the people of poverty, squalor and disease.

It acquired new terminology like New Public Administration, Development Administra­tion, and Comparative Public Administration and got divided into specialized types like Rural Ad­ministration and Urban Administration. New tools and techniques and new theories were pro­pounded to explain its subject matter and make administration in action successful.

India has adopted the system of achieving socialism through democratic process which had great impact on the nature, scope and scale of administration. This impact has arisen due to three major forces at work.

First, the Government assumed developmental functions including those in the field of welfare; Second, there was increase in the scale and variety of administra­tive operations and third, India having a democratic government felt the need of associating people and their participation in the administrative process in order to facilitate planning and effective implementation of the Plans and programmes.

The various Plans have recognized the significance and role of public administration in the successful implementation of plans. As a matter of fact, the successful implementation of a plan depends on the integrity, honesty, leadership quality, administration skill, creativeness sense of responsibility and service of the employees and top level officers.

The First Plan said “In all directions, the pace of development will depend largely upon the quality of public administration, the efficiency with which it works and the cooperation which it evokes”.

In the words of Second Plan, “If the administrative machinery both at the centre and in the states does its work with efficiency integrity and with a sense of urgency and concern for the community the success of the Second Plan would be assured”.

It is thus clear that effective public administration is of great significance in all fields of planning economic and social. Both the formulation and implementation of Plans require talented and trained staff free from the evils of corruption and dedicated to public welfare.


Essay # 11. Criticisms of the Planning Commission in India:

The Planning Commission has been criticised on the following grounds:

1. The estimates of the Five-Year Plans which it prepares are mostly unrealistic. It is usually found that the targets fixed are too high for achievement by the administration. It does not consider what is practicable or workable but what is desirable. It is on account of this reason that achievements have always far lagged behind the targets.

Moreover, the plans are not finalized well in time. Their finalization and cabinet approval are delayed The Ninth plan draft (1997-2002) for instance, was approved by the cabinet on Jan 10, 1999.

2. It is losing its character as a ‘staff agency’ of the Government of India in so far as it is getting on an authoritarian pattern. Whatever it recommends is taken for granted not only by the Central but also by the State Governments. This is not a healthy sign to let a ‘staff agency’ acquire lordship over the administration of the whole of the country.

3. Its staff strength has been continuously increasing without any proportionate increase in the volume of work. Being a staff agency, it should have kept itself free from over-staffing. In fact, Parkinson’s Law has been in full operation in its ‘red bricks’ building.

4. Planning is highly centralized. The Grass-roots planning has not yet acquired any sig­nificance. The village machinery hardly plays any important role in the planning process. The centralized nature of Indian planning acquires arresting nature in the background of the federal system of policy.

5. Along with centralization, bureaucratization is another defect of Indian planning. The Planning Commission is a huge bureaucratic structure which mainly depends upon government bureaucracy for plan formulation and implementation. People’s participation is missing at both the formulation and implementation stages.

6. Planning is sectorial rather than spatial. The concept of area or regional planning has not found a place in the country so far. The various plan programmes are no more than schemes of departments in terms of quantitative targets.

7. The planning machinery is divorced from operational responsibility. Planning of plan implementation is not undertaken at national level. The ground realities are ignored while fixing targets. Plans have failed because of defective and half-hearted efforts of an inadequate plan impleme
ntation machinery.

The most cherished goals of full employment, eradication of illit­eracy and poverty and creation of a more equal society are as distant today as they were when we set out on the road to planned development.

The above criticism only emphasizes the need of evolving suitable administrative set-up and modes of functioning to meet the challenge of planned development. The Planning Commis­sion while fixing the targets does not appear to bestow sufficient thought on administrative imperatives and implications of what it sets out to outline as the basic objectives of the plan.

It probably feels that the existing administrative machinery is capable of achieving the various objectives visualized in the plan. It tends to overtook that public administration itself might be a limiting factor in the successful operation of the plan.

Therefore, while formulating the plan, the administrative aspects, issues and implications of a programme should be more carefully analyzed and taken care of in the Plan. India has embarked upon the unique experiment of large-scale democratic planning and the world’s eyes are turned towards it to watch its success.


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Here is an essay on the ‘Control over Public Administration’ for class 9, 10, 11 and 12. Find paragraphs, long and short essays on the ‘Control over Public Administration’ especially written for school and college students.


The civil servants play vital role in the modern social welfare states. The public servant today is not a mere docile executor of the public policy but is very largely its initiator and formulator. In fact, he is the main-spring of administration. He supplies the expert knowledge to the administration and being an expert he controls the administration. He enjoys wide discre­tionary powers and exercises great influence in the body politic. It is but necessary that means be devised to secure effective control over public servant lest he may become irresponsible and despot.

Administration is a means of public welfare. The people have a live interest in seeing that public administration is both responsible and efficient. The public officials should be made responsible to appropriate authorities. They must be liable to give a satisfactory account of the exercise of their powers. There are certain controls through which administrative responsibility is enforced.

Broadly speaking, there are two main types of controls, namely,- (i) external (or political) controls, and (ii) internal (or administrative) controls. The external controls operate upon the administration from the outside. They work within the general constitutional structure and may differ from country to country. Thus, administration in the U.S.A. with a Presidential system of government may not be responsible to external bodies to the same extent as in Great Britain with a parliamentary government.

The internal controls are those which operate within the administration itself. These are fitted into the administrative machinery and work automatically as the machinery moves. Both the types of controls, external and.internal, are supplementary and complementary. As we know the administrative machine of the present times is very vast and complicated. In a simpler society the political administrator can be held responsible for everything that goes on inside his department since he is able to know all that is happening within his sphere of responsibility.

But today, the situation is very different. It has become difficult for the political administrator to maintain close link with the administration. It has, therefore, become necessary that external controls must be supplemented and completed by administrative controls acting within. Thus internal controls and external controls are supple­mentary. It is only if both the controls work satisfactorily that the administrative machine will work efficiently.

First we shall take up the study of external controls.

External Controls over Public Administration:

The external control over public administration may be considered from four main standpoints, namely – of the executive, of the legislature, of the judiciary and of the community, respectively.

A. Executive Control over Administration:

Every official is responsible to and under the control of his administrative superiors who are known as Ministers in a Parliamentary Government. The minister is responsible for all what goes within his department. The doctrine of ministerial responsibility is a cardinal principle of Parliamentary system. If a mistake is made by a civil servant in a Department, The Minister in charge of the Department is held responsible ven if he k new nothing about it or he was not consulted by the official concerned before taking the action.

In India, ministers had to resign for the mistakes committed by the officials in their departments.

The minister or executive exercises control over administration through the following methods:

1. Political Direction:

The Minister has the power of direction, control and supervi­sion. He has full authority to manage and direct his Department. His writ runs throughout the sections and branches of the Department. He lays down the policy and looks to its implemen­tation. He issues directives to the departmental, officials. No important decision can be taken without bringing the matter to his notice.

He may concentrate the entire authority in his hands and reduce the Secretary to a cipher. He may call for any and every file and issue the direction that no action on particular kind of matters will be taken except by him. He may go round the Department in order to supervise its working. He may issue orders to eradicate red-tapism and increase efficiency.

He may transfer the officials from one branch to another and make changes in the allocation of work. In short, the officials work under his general direction, control and supervision. In other words, the departmental officials are directly and wholly responsible to him.

However, it may be noted that in actual practice civil servants are not always dictated to by the ministers, but they also lead and dictate. Being experts the civil servants exercise sub­stantial influence on the Ministers in the policy-formulation and its implementation.

Secondly, it may also be noted that the extent of control of a minister over his department rests on his political position. If the minister enjoys the full confidence of the Prime Minister and has a strong base in the party, he can deal effectively with bureaucracy. But if he is politically non- assertive his control over administration may be weak.

A strong-willed Prime Minister may reduce a minister to mere a non-entity. Thus, a minister’s control over administration depends not only on the legal or constitutional system of the country, but also upon his political strength.

2. Budgetary System:

The budgetary system which determines the total financial and personnel resources which no department may exceed gives the executive an effective means of control over administration. The civil servant has to work within the budgetary allocation.

He cannot spend a single penny without the proper sanction from the higher authorities. The money is to be spent according to the financial rules. Proper accounts are to be maintained which are subject to audit. Under an effective budgetary system, the administration is under the constant control of the executive.

3. Recruitment System:

Another important means of executive control over adminis­tration is recruitment system. Generally, recruitment to civil service is placed in the hands of Public Service Commission—an independent body. The general rules of recruitment are laid down by the Government. The qualifications, experience, age, etc., required for different posts are determined by the executive.

It has also the power to exclude certain posts from the pur­view of the Public Service Commission. To the higher posts of the civil service, the executive has a free hand. The ministers select their own secretaries and heads of departments. Thus through their appointees, they exercise full control over the administration of the department.

4. Executive Legislation:

The executive exercises power of legislation which is termed ‘Delegated Legislation’. The Legislature passes an Act in a skeleton form and empowers the executive to fill in the details. The rules framed by the executive have the force of law.

The scope of administrative law making is very wide in the modern social welfare states. These administrative rules determine the authority of the different officials in the department.

The executive control on administration is constant and continuous. According to Prof Nigro, “Executive controls are most important for their positive development and enforcem
ent of standards and safeguards in the actual operation of substantive departments”. They give a positive and continuous guidance to the administration. They keep the administration always alert.

Executive controls are not negative or coercive but positive and corrective, Prof Nigro says, “The closest most influential form of control is in my judgment that of executive agencies of the auxiliary type. I must risk the heretical statement that a good budget staff and a good personnel office will do more to preserve the liberties of the people than a good court, because they will be in operation long before a potential wrong is done.”

B. Parliamentary Control over Public Administration:

In all systems, parliamentary or presidential, control of the administration by the legisla­ture is important. In a parliamentary system, such as in India or Great Britain, it is of primary importance because all state activities emanate from the legislature. The cardinal principle of parliamentary system is the responsibility of the executive to the legislature. The executive therefore cannot afford to be irresponsible. It has to be responsible for each and every act of its civil servants. The responsibility of administration is thus indirect because it is enforced through the executive. The official cannot be called to the floor of the House to explain his act. It is the Minister who shoulders the responsibility for the administrative acts of his department. If he is unable to satisfy Parliament, he has to quit office. Sometimes, the entire ministry may have to quit the office because ministerial responsibility in a parliamentary system is collective. Thus we find that the legislature’s control on administration is indirect, i.e., through the executive.

The various means through which the legislature in a parliamentary form of government enforces responsibility are the following:

1. Law-Making Process:

The legislature makes the law which determines the organisation, functions and procedures of public administration. A new department may be created to give effect to a particular law enacted by the Parliament. However, the legislature’s control through the law-making process is very general. It is difficult, if not impossible, for the legislature to attempt to lay down in details the administrative procedures to be followed.

Generally, the task of laying down the detailed rules is left to the executive which is known as ‘Delegated Legis­lation’. But the executive makes the rules within the ambit of its authority delegated by the legislature. It cannot transgress the limits of its authority. Sometimes, the legislature may re­quire these rules to be placed before it for approval.

In India we have a committee on Del­egated Legislation to examine these rules and report back to the House about their authenticity. Just as the legislature may create new powers and functions, similarly it may make changes in them. It may also give the executive the power to make essential adjustments. Thus in a gen­eral way the organisation of public administration is determined by the legislature.

2. Question-Hour:

In the parliamentary system, the ministers are the members of the legislature. They attend its sessions and are present in the House to reply to the questions put by the members of the legislature. In every parliamentary system, there is the practice of set­ting apart one hour of Parliament’s meeting time for questions which is called ‘Question-Hour’.

The members may ask questions regarding any act or omission of administrative authorities, from the highest to the lowest. The Ministers concerned prepare their answers and reply to the questions on the floor of the House. Supplementary questions may also be put.

Through questions public grievances can be ventilated, administrative lapses may be brought to notice and information on any matter may be solicited. The questions keep the civil servants alert.

They have to brief their Minister to enable him to answer the questions. It necessitates the careful record-keeping of every transaction or case, for there is no knowing about what matter a ques­tion may be tabled. Sometimes the questions are so embarrassing to the government that it is compelled to take immediate appropriate measures.

Hugh Gaitskell once said, “Anybody who has ever worked in a Civil Service Department would agree with me that if there is one major thing which leads Civil Servants to be excessively cautious, timid and careful and to keep records which outside the civil service would be regarded as unnecessary, it is the fear of the Parliamentary question.”

The question exercises a very healthy check on administration. W.B. Munro says, “It is an effective check upon those bureaucratic tendencies which are bound to appear in every govern­ment. It keeps the experts responsive to a body of laymen. As a palladium of his rights and liberties it is worthy to be ranked with trial by jury and the writ of Habeas Corpus.”

Although the motive of these questions may be political, i.e., to sink the minister at whom they are directed or the government to which he belongs, yet they play an important part in the mecha­nism of control over Public Administration.

The question hour has been described as a search­light turned on the activities of administration. Due to Parliamentary questions, administration is carried against a background of awareness of responsibility to Parliament and the public.

This keeps the administration ‘open’. Albert C. writes, “There is no more valuable safeguard against maladministration, no more effective method of bringing the searchlight of criticism to bear on the action or inaction of the executive government and its subordinates. A minister has to be constantly asking himself not merely whether his proceedings and the proceedings of those for whom he is responsible are legally or technically defensible, but what kind of answer he can give if questioned about them in the House, and how that answer will be received.”

The device of questions, according to Lowell, helps greatly “not only to keep the administra­tion up to the mark, but to prevent growth of a bureaucratic arrogance.” In short, questions represent a very powerful method of parliamentary control over administration.

The Question Hour in the Parliament keeps the civil servant on his toes. It compels him to be alert and circumspect in his actions and often prevents acts of petty injustice commonly associated with bureaucracy.

3. Budgetary System:

A more effective means of control over administration by the Legislature is through the budgetary system. We have seen earlier that budgetary system places control of the administration in the hands of the executive. However, at the same time it en­ables the legislature also to exercise a varied control over administration.

The legislature passes the budget every year and authorizes expenditure. No money can be spent by the administra­tion without proper authorization from the legislature. With its control over the national purse the legislature defines closely the activities which the departments may undertake.

It is com­monly said ‘one who pays the piper calls the tune.’ When the budget is before the Parliament, the members get an opportunity to review the functioning of administration.

The members criticize the policies of the government and bring to light its failures. The Ministers take note of such criticisms and make necessary changes in the administration.

Though in a parliamen­tary system, the legislature cannot turn down the Executive’s request for grants so long as the Executive has majority in the House, yet the budget provides an occasion for the Parliament to review, scrutinize, examine, criticize and influence the functioning of public administr
ation.

4. Audit and Report:

The activities of government are now-a-days so widespread that the legislature does not have the time for detailed investigation of the financial transactions of administration. This is done by the Auditor and Comptroller-General who in India is a creation of the Constitution. He functions independent of the executive control and is to all intents an officer of the legislature.

He audits all expenditure from the revenues of the Union or States, incurred in and outside India and ascertains whether moneys shown in the accounts as having been disbursed were legally available for and applicable to the service or the purpose to which they have been applied or charged and whether the expenditure conforms to the authority who governs it.

Audit brings to notice of the Parliament procedural and technical irregularities and lapses on the part of administration.

The officials are held to account for such irregularities and lapses on their part. The Public Accounts Committee of the Legislature thereafter scrutinizes the Report and reviews the financial dealings of the different departments of the Government. It reports back to the Parliament and the latter discusses Auditor General’s Report according to the findings of the committee.

Besides, in India and U.K., Estimates Committee examines the estimates of the Ministries before they are voted upon by the Parliament. The recommendations of the committees are considered by the Government and non-implementation is to be brought to the notice of the committees.

5. Debates and Discussions:

Debates and discussions are a very important occasion for the Parliament to examine and scrutinize the activities and efficiency of various governmen­tal agencies. The inaugural address of the President, the Budget Speech, introduction of a bill for amendment of an Act or enactment of new law, introduction of Motions or Resolutions provide an occasion for debates and discussions.

When the President opens the session of the Parliament, the speech delivered by him is discussed in the Parliament before a ‘Vote of Thanks’ is passed. In the course of discussion the members of Parliament criticize the administration for its lapses and failures.

The Budget Speech of the Finance Minister provides another opportunity to the Parliament to review and criticize the functioning of administration. Budget debates, it may be said, are very important from the viewpoint of parliamentary control over administra­tion.

These debates are known as the great annual national “inquisitions”. At the time of con­sidering demands for grants of the various departments, the Parliament examines and scruti­nizes the working of the whole department. Whenever a bill is introduced for enactment of a new law or amendment of an old Act, the Parliament again gets an opportunity to review the functioning of administration.

There are several other devices of drawing the attention of the Government to a problem pertaining to administration. Among such devices we may include different motions such as No-confidence Motion, Adjournment Motion, Censure Motion and Call-Attention Motion.

The meaning of No-confidence Motion is simple. It is a motion expressing lack of confidence in the Ministry on account of some of its serious lapses, failures and inefficiency. If passed, it will lead to resignation of the Government.

According to the Rules of Procedure of Indian Parlia­ment, a No confidence motion must be supported by fifty members for its admission. The Adjournment Motion is introduced to discuss a definite issue of urgent public importance.

Some­thing very grave such as terrorists attacks in Bombay on November 26, 2008 which affects the whole country, its safety, its interests and all that is happening must have occurred to substan­tiate the urgency of the Motion.

The ostensible purpose of an adjournment motion is to censure the Government and influence its decision. Consent of the Speaker and support by at least fifty members of the House is essential for admitting the motion.

A censure motion can be moved against the Ministry or an individual minister or a group of ministers for their failure to act or not to act or for their policy, expressing regret, indignation or surprise of the House.

A Call- Attention Motion may be introduced by a member of the Parliament with the permission of the chair to draw the attention of a Minister to a matter of urgent public importance and request him to make a statement thereon.

In the Indian Parliament, there are two other occasions for discussing the administrative activities of a department. These are:

(i) Half-an-hour discussion, and

(ii) Short Discussion.

The half-an-hour discussion follows the Question-Hour. When a member feels dissatisfied with the answer given to his question, he may request the chair to allow Half-an-Hour discussion on the particular matter which was the subject of his Question.

During this short discussion of half-an-hour, the House may extract more information on the subject, may seek further clarifi­cation of the policy, may ventilate the public grievances or put more pressure upon the Govern­ment to modify its policy. The Business Rules of the Indian Parliament also provide for short discussions on a mat­ter of urgent public importance for a short time not exceeding two and a half hours.

The value of debates and discussion is that they compel the Government to explain and defend particular issues of their policy at length. It also enables the opposition to expose the weak points of administration.

Speaking about the importance of debates and discussions as a means of control over administration, Shri N.V. Gadgil says “In brief by question and debate, administration is kept under constant and continuous review. The most trivial detail may be fraught with enormous consequences as the opposition utilizes its whole time in spotting the Executive’s weak points, and once it catches them it has boundless opportunities to hammer them constantly.”

6. Appointment of Committees:

The appointment by the legislature of committees from its own membership is another method of exercising control over administration. In the Indian Parliament there is a Committee on Assurances. The Ministers make some promises or assurances on the floor of the House in the course of debates, discussions and questions.

It is the duty of the parliament to see that the assurances given to the parliament are implemented by the Government. Before the setting up of Committee on Assurances it was left to the indi­vidual members to keep a watch whether promises were being implemented. But since the creation of this Committee, it is the function of the Committee to see that promises made to the House are fulfilled.

The Committee scrutinizes the assurances, promises and undertakings given by the Ministers from time to time on the floor of the House and reports on:

(a) The extent to which such assurances, promises, undertakings have been implemented, and

(b) Where imple­mented whether such implementation has taken place within the minimum time necessary for the purpose. The establishment of the Committee on Assurances has greatly strengthened the machinery of Parliamentary control over the administration.

According to M.N. Kaul, it “has helped not only to keep vigil on the administrative efficiency, but has also helped in removing many of the defects inherent in the previous system. The Ministers are now careful in giving promises and the administration is prompt enough to take action on the promises given. The various Ministries of the government are now conscious of their duties towards Parliament.”

The other committees which help the Parliament to keep close watch over administration are the Estimates Committee, the Public Accounts Committee, the Committee on Public
Under­takings and the Committee on Subordinate Legislation. The Public Accounts Committee, Esti­mates Committee and the Committee on Public Undertakings are mainly concerned with financial administration.

The role of these Committees in maintaining parliamentary control over public finances and appropriations has been described elsewhere. The Committee on Subordi­nate Legislation scrutinizes and examines the administrative legislation, i.e., rules, orders and regulations, made by the executive in pursuance of the power delegated to it by the Parliament.

This Committee has performed very useful functions and keeps subordinate legislation under control.

In addition to the above committees, the Parliament also appoints special committees from time to time to make enquiry into any particular matter. These Committees interview officials and public men, gather evidence, collect material and report back to the House.

Their report is discussed in the House which again throws the administration open to criticism. The Commit­tees are thus a highly effective means of exercising control over administration. We have described above the methods of legislative control over administration in a par­liamentary system.

According to certain critics, the role of legislature in this regard is quite limited on account of following reasons:

First, the size of the legislature is large one. On account of its large size it cannot exercise effective control.

Second, the members of the legislature are laymen whereas the members of administra­tion are very technical and specialized.

Third, its decisions are general and it is greatly dependent upon the executive for the content of legislation.

Fourth, the majority of the members belong to the ruling party and there are few chances of no-confidence motion or censure motion being passed against the government.

Fifth, the financial committees do postmortem work. They check the expenditure after it has been incurred.

Sixth, in parliamentary system the legislature is a tool in the hands of the cabinet.

Last, most of its criticism is political, the chief end being to dislodge the government.

Whatever the limitations, the legislator enjoys a privileged position vis-a-vis administra­tion. By free and unfettered discussions on the floor of the House he can exercise healthy influence upon the administration.

But continuous and constant pin-pricking makes the minister and bureaucrats in his department timid and reluctant to shoulder responsibility. Such a practice eventually proves harmful to proper functioning of Parliamentary democracy which is based on harmonious combination of the amateur politician and expert administrator.

Legislative Control over Administration:

Whatever has been said above of legislative control over administration holds true of parliamentary system. Under the Presidential system of government of U.S.A. most of the means of legislative control described above are not available.

Thus the legislature in a Presidential system can neither put questions to the Ministers nor can it pass a No-confidence or Censure Motion against the government. The executive does not sit in the Congress. It does not necessarily have the majority support in the Houses of Congress.

Under a Presidential system the Congress can exercise control over administration through the following methods:

(i) It defines the organisation, powers and duties of the administrative authorities.

(ii) It appoints legislative committees for investigation of administration;

(iii) It makes laws laying down policies, methods and procedures;

(iv) It controls the national purse, sanctions expenditure through appropriation acts, fixes the purpose and amounts of expenditure, passes tax legislation and examines the accounts and audit;

(v) It has the power of impeachment of the President. The House of Representatives frames the charges and the Senate sits as a Court of trial. Two-third in both the Houses is essential to remove the President from the office.

C. Judicial Control over Administration:

Judicial control over administration means the powers of the courts to examine the legality of the officials’ acts and thereby to safeguard the rights of the citizens. It also implies the right of an aggrieved citizen to bring a civil or criminal suit in a court of law against a public servant for wrong done to him in the course of discharge of hiss public duty.

L.D. White explaining the importance of judicial control writes:

The system of formal external control over officials and their acts falls primarily into two main divisions – that exercised by the legislative bodies and that imposed by the courts. The purpose of legislative supervision is principally to control the policy and the expenditure of the executive branch, the end sought by judicial control of administrative acts is to ensure their legality and thus protect citizens against unlawful trespass on their constitutional or other rights”.

Cases of Judicial Intervention:

Judicial intervention is restrictive in nature and sometimes limited in its scope. Firstly, the courts cannot interfere in the administrative activities of their own accord. They can intervene only when they are invited to do so by any person, who feels that his rights have been in­fringed or are likely to be infringed as a result of some action of the public officials. Secondly, the courts cannot interfere in each and every administrative act, as too much of judicial action may make the officers too much conscious and very little of it may make them negligent of the rights of citizens. In the words of L.D. White : “At one extreme, the vigour of judicial control may paraylse effective administration, at the other the result may be an offensive bureaucratic tyranny, exactly where the balance may be best struck is a major problem of judicial adminis­tration relationship.”

No hard and fast principles can be laid down for judicial intervention, but the courts intervene in administrative cases on the following grounds:

i. Lack of Jurisdiction:

Every officer has to act within the limits of the authority given to him and also within a specified geographical area. If he acts beyond his authority or outside the geographical limits of his powers, his acts will be declared by the courts as ultra vires and hence ineffective.

As, for example, in India it is expressly laid down in the Constitution that no government employee shall be dismissed by an authority below in rank the authority which appointed him otherwise the action of dismissal shall be declared ultra vires due to lack of jurisdiction, for instance, in the case of R.P. Kapur, I.C.S., Commissioner, Patiala Division, the Court held that the Governor of Punjab could not suspend Mr. Kapur because he was appointed by the King in Great Britain and after Independence, it was the President of India and not the Governor who could exercise this power—Governor being lower in rank than the appointing authority.

ii. Error of Law:

A public servant may misinterpret the law and may impose upon the citizens duties and obligations which are not required by law. A citizen who has suffered on account of this has the right to approach the court for damages.

iii. Error of Fact-Finding: 

Thirdly, there may be cases in which the official has erred in discovering facts. He may wrongly interpret facts or ignore them and thus may act on wrong presumptions. This may affect a citizen adversely and so there may be ground for bringing a case in a court of law.

iv. Abuse of Authority:

If a public official uses his authority vindictively to harm some person, the courts can intervene and punish him if he is found guilty of using his authority to take a personal revenge.

v. Error of Auth
ority:

Above all, public officials have to act according to a certain procedure as laid down by laws and if they do not follow the prescribed procedure, the courts have a right to question the legality of their action, on appeal from the party affected. For example, law requires that an employee should be served with the notice of the charges before any action of suspending or dismissing him can be taken against him.

Suppose the officer takes action against him without serving a proper notice, then his action shall be declared null and void by the court.

In the words of Mr. N.V. Gadgil:

“Whether the action of administration is desirable or not is not open for judicial review but whether the administrator was competent to take that action and whether in doing so he followed the prescribed procedures are certainly matters in which the court can interfere.”

Judicial Remedies for Suing the Government:

Judicial control can be in the form of suing the State or the Government itself or the public official concerned for his wrongful acts. The position regarding the suability of the Government and public officials differs in the countries following the system of Rule of Law or the Administrative Law (Droit Administrative).

The Rule of Law system prevails in England and her Dominions and other Commonwealth countries including India, U.S.A. and Belgium.

The Administrative system is practiced in France and other countries of continental Europe. The system of Rule of Law implies that everybody, high or low, official or private citizen is subject to the same ordinary law of the land and that the official cannot take shelter behind the State sovereignty in defending himself.

To repeat what Dicey said; “with us (English) every official, from the Prune Minister down to a constable or collector of taxes is under the same responsibility for every act done without legal justification as any other citizen.”

That means that the State cannot be held liable for the wrong acts of its officials even if they have done an injury to a citizen while working in their official capacity and that the officials themselves are personally liable for their wrongful acts.

The State thus enjoys immunity from liability in torts, i.e., it cannot be sued for damages and a suit can be brought for damages only against the official responsible for doing a wrong or causing an injury.

This remedy is hardly of any use because the damages decreed by the courts cannot usually be recovered due to the impecunious condition of officials. An agitation was carried in England to improve the system. After long agitation the position was improved by the passage of the Crown Proceedings Act of 1947, which makes the Crown i.e., the State liable for torts committed by its servants.

But there are two exceptions, namely:

(i) The prerogatives of the Crown to defend the realm, the administration of armed forces, labours and aliens, and suppres­sion of disorder are outside the field of liability and a certificate from the Government to this effect relieves it of such liability, and

(ii) The state is not bound to produce before the court secret documents by way of evidence.

In U.S.A. subject to a few exceptions, the State is still immune from tortuous liability of its officials. The exceptions are the admiralty and maritime jurisdictions, and the power given to Post Master General to settle claims involving personal injury or property, the damage claimed not exceeding $ 500.

In regard to the states also, the general position is the same, i.e., no state can be sued in tort except with its own consent expressly given, usually by statutory enactment. The federal government cannot be sued in State Courts nor State Governments in federal courts. But in U.S.A. the State is still immune from tortuous liability of its officials.

In India the stability of the State is governed by Article 300 of the Constitution.

The Article provides that the Union of India and the Government of a State may sue or be sued, but the circumstances in which a suit against them would lie are to be laid down by the law of the Parliament and the State Legislatures, and subject to such legislation, the position would continue to be what it would be “if this Constitution had not been enacted.”

The position is that the State is suable for contracts but the position about the torts is not clear. In the Case of Rao vs. Khusal Chand, the Bombay High Court has held that the Government cannot claim any immunity from illegal acts under S. 176 of the Government of India Act, 1935, when it illegally requisitions land under the Bombay Land Requisition Ordinance.

Except in case of strictly ‘sovereign’ acts, the Government of India is liable for all unlawful acts of its servants.

About 30 years back, the question of liability of the State Government arose when the Supreme Court upheld the Rajasthan High Court’s Order, allowing compensation of Rs. 15,000 against the State for the tortuous act of one of its employees—driver of a Government jeep who knocked down a person on the footpath, causing him multiple injuries, which resulted in his death.

The State’s main contention was that it was not liable for the tortuous act of its employee. Dismissing the appeal of the State of Rajasthan, the Chief Justice, Mr. B. P. Sinha, of the Supreme Court, in his judgement delivered on February 2, 1962 held that a State would be as much liable for the tortuous acts of its employees, committed during the course of their employment as any other employer.

The immunity of the Crown of the United Kingdom was based on the old feudalistic notions of justice, namely, that the King was incapable of doing a wrong and therefore he could not be sued in his own courts. In India ever since the time of the East India Company the sovereign has been held liable to be used in tort or in contract and the common law immunity never operated in India.

Now that we have by our own Constitution established a Republic, a socialistic State with its varied industries and other activities, employing a large army of servants there is no justification in principle or in public interest that state should not be held liable vicariously for the tortuous acts of its servants.

However, two years later, the Court all but departed from the previous decision. It was an interesting case. Ralia Ram was arrested by three constables on a wrong suspicion of carrying stolen property and taken to a police station in Meerut. Gold weighing 103 tolas and silver weighing more than two maunds were seized from him and kept in police custody.

When Ralia Ram was later released, the silver was returned to him but, oddly, not the gold. He filed a suit for the recovery of the gold valued at Rs. 11,000. The State alleged that the gold was in the custody of Mohammed Amir, head constable, who had misappropriated it and gone away to Pakistan, and contended that it was therefore not liable for the loss.

The trial court held that the police were negligent and that the State was liable to compen­sate Ralia Ram for the loss. On appeal, the Allahabad High Court set aside the decree and dismissed the suit. Ralia Ram went in appeal to the Supreme Court and the Chief Justice held that negligence was no doubt committed by the police officers but even so the State was not liable for this act.

The Court, relying on the distinction made in the Bombay case held that; “In the present case, the act of negligence was committed by the police officers while dealing with the property of Ralia Ram which they had seized in exercise of their statutory powers. Now, the power to arrest a person, to search him and to seize property found with him, are powers conferred on the specified officers by Statute and in the last analysis, they are powers which can be properly characterised as sovereign powers.”

“And so, there is no difficulty in holding that the act which gave rise to the present
claim for damages has been committed by the employee of the respondent during the course of employment; but the employment in question being of the category which can claim special char­acteristic of sovereign-power, the claim cannot be sustained and so, we inevitably harp back on what Chief Justice Peacock decided in 1861 and hold that the present claim is not sustainable.”

A distinction was thus made between the sovereign functions and non-sovereign functions of the State. The liability of the state for the tortuous acts of its servants extends only to the non-sovereign functions and not to sovereign functions.

Since the distinction between the two kinds of functions is not always logical or clear, therefore, the court observed:

“Before we part with this appeal, however, we ought to add that it is time that the legislatures in India seriously consider whether they should not pass legislative enactments to regulate and control their claim for immunity in case like this on the same lines as has been done in England by the Crown Proceedings Act, 1947. It will be recalled that this doctrine of immunity is based on the com­mon lay principle that the King commits no wrong and that he cannot be guilty of personal negligence or misconduct, and as such cannot be responsible for the negligence or misconduct of servants. Another aspect of this doctrine was that it was an attribute of sovereignty that a State cannot be sued in its own Courts without its consent. This legal position has been sub­stantially altered by the Crown Proceedings Act, 1947”.

The Law Commission examined the whole issue of liability of the State for the wrongs of its servants and laid down three fundamental principles on which legislation should proceed in our country.

The principles were:

(1) “The State should be liable, without proof of negligence, for breach of statutory duty imposed on it or its employees which causes damage.

(2) “The State should be liable if in the discharge of statutory duties imposed upon it or its employees, the employees act negligently or maliciously, whether or not discretion is involved in the exercise of such duty.

(3) The State should be liable if in the exercise of the powers conferred upon it or its employees the power is so exercised as to cause nuisance or trespass or the power is exercised negligently or maliciously causing damage.”

In 1965, the then Union Law Minister, Mr. A.K. Sen, introduced a Bill in the Lok Sabha, the Government (Liability in Tort) Bill. It provides, fairly enough, that the Government shall be liable in respect of any tort:

(a) Committed by an employee of the Government or an agent employed by the Gov­ernment;

(i) While acting in the course of his employment; or

(ii) While acting beyond the course of his employment if the act constituting the tort was done by the employee or agent on behalf of the Government and is ratified by the Government;

(b) Committed by an independent contractor employed by the Government or any of his servants or workmen in doing the act contracted to be done for the Govern­ment.

The Bill not only excludes the armed forces from the application of these clauses, but also the police forces from the purview of those proposed legislations on the ground that “the. case of a police constable is not distinguishable from that of a soldier”. This is, in fact, the main weakness of the proposed law.

Administrative Law System:

On the other hand, as we saw in the countries where the system of Administrative Law prevails, the liability of the State for the wrongful acts of its officials is fully established. There the officials are tried not in the ordinary courts of law but in the administrative courts which award damages from the public funds to the aggrieved individuals.

The State may later deal with its officials at fault as it thinks fit but so far as the citizen is concerned he sues and obtains damages from the State.

The protagonists of this system contend that, firstly, it frees the administrative authorities from the jurisdiction of the law courts and hence secures promptness, fearlessness and effi­ciency in administrative action.

Secondly, it is contended that the Judges, who are only experts in the law and know nothing about the technicalities of administration or executive exigencies, should not be entrusted with the task of settling administrative disputes.

Administrative disputes should be decided from the point of view of public and not from the legal point of view. Hence, the necessity of administrative law which ensures decisions of administrative actions by administrative experts.

Thirdly, the system provides remedies to the citizens against the wrong­ful acts of the officials, whether high or low, at a very low cost and rather with greater ease than is possible under the Rule of Law System. The French Council of State has been working with perfect smoothness, independence and impartiality and people look upon it with respect, pride and confidence.

According to Mr. C. K. Allen, “The remedies of the subject against the State in France are easier, speedier, and infinitely cheaper than they are in England today. It has become a maxim of constitutionalists and a bulwark of French democracy that the Council of State is the greater buffer between the public and the Bureaucracy.”

Prof J.H. Morgan writes, “What Administrative Law does in France, and still more in Germany, is not to exempt public officers from responsibility whereas in this country (i.e., England) they would be liable, but to extend that liability to cases whereas in this country they would be immune”.

Certain Exceptions to the Rule of Law (U.S.A., U.K. and India):

It may be mentioned here that even in countries following the Rule of Law System, there are certain people like the Head of the State who enjoy legal immunity and are not amenable to the ordinary courts of the land.

For example, the British Monarch is completely immune from legal liability in respect of any of his or her acts done in public or private capacity. “The King can do no wrong” is a legally accepted phrase in England.

The American President is also immune from any legal proceedings during the term of his office. He can only be impeached by the Congress and it is only after his removal from office that he can be tried in ordinary courts for crimes committed by him as President.

In India personal immunity from legal liabil­ity is granted to the President of the Union and Governors of the States for any act done in exercise of their powers and duties as laid down in the Constitution.

During their term of office, they are immune from any criminal proceedings even in respect of their personal acts. Civil proceedings in respect of their personal acts are permissible even during their term of office but only after two months’ written notice stating the nature of the proceedings, the cause of action, name, address, etc., of the party concerned, and the relief claimed.

The Ministers have, however, no such immunity and they are, therefore, liable for crimes and torts and are amenable to the ordinary courts. The judicial officers also enjoy immunity and cannot be sued for any decision taken by them in the discharge of their official duties.

The other officials can be sued both in civil and criminal cases. Civil proceedings can be instituted against an official for anything done in his official capacity after the expiry of two months’ notice.

No such notice is, however, necessary when the official is to be proceeded against for an act done outside the scope of his official duties. When criminal proceedings are to be instituted against an official for the acts done in his official capacity, previous sanction of the President or the Governor as the case may be, is to be obtained.

Extraordinary Judicial Remedies:

In addition to the judicial remedies of suing the government or its officials, citizens have the following extraordinary remedies also against the excesses of public officials:

1. Habeas Corpus:

Habeas Corpus literally means “to produce the body of” The writ of Habeas Corpus is accordingly issued by the courts in the nature of an order calling upon the person who has detained another to produce the latter before it in order to let it know on what grounds he has been confined and to set him free if there is no legal Justification for the confinement.

The purpose of this writ is, thus, to determine whether the person detained or restrained in his liberties. This writ is a powerful safeguard of the liberty of the citizens.

The writ of Habeas Corpus is granted as a matter of right and not at the discretion of the court, the court is obliged to issue it, if there is prima facie case for supposing that the person is unlawfully deprived of his liberty.

It is something very peculiar that our Constitution declaring India to be a Sovereign Democratic Republic and providing a lengthy chapter on Fundamental Rights of the citizens should authorize the Parliament and State Legislatures to pass laws making a provision for the preventive detention of a person in times of peace.

It is indeed a great limitation on the citizens’ right to liberty. But it cannot be helped as there are still some anti-social and subversive elements in our country and to prevent them from becoming a serious danger to the welfare of society or to the security of the state, it is necessary to exercise detention power under the Preventive Detention Act.

It is worth mentioning here that this power cannot be used arbitrarily by the executive.

A person cannot be detained for more than three months unless the cause of his detention is investigated by in Advisory Board consisting of persons of the status of a judge of High Court within that period and the Board has reported there is, in its opinion, sufficient cause for such detention. In a democratic country, Preventive Detention Act providing restrictions on the liberties of the people seems most obnoxious.

The earlier it is scrapped, the better it would be. No doubt, subversive in the guise of provincialism, linguist, communalism still constitute a great threat to the safety of our country yet the remedy should be sought for, not in the Preventive Detention Act but in the purification of public life through education and other persuasive methods.

2. Writ of Mandamus:

Mandamus literally means “a mandate” or “a command”. The writ of mandamus is a command issued from a common law court of competent jurisdiction directing any person, corporation or inferior court, requiring him or them to do some Particular specified therein which appertains to this or that office and is in the nature of public duty.

In short it is a writ issued to a public official to do a thing which is part of his official duty but which he has so far failed to do. This writ cannot be claimed as a matter of right. Its issue is entirely a matter for the discretion of the court and it is not granted if the court feels satisfied that there is an alternative remedy which is self-sufficient and convenient.

This writ can, therefore, be issued on the fulfillment of certain conditions.

First, the petitioner must prove that he has a legal right to the performance of a legal duty by the respondent.

Second, the right must be a public right and duly sought to be enforced as a public duty.

Third, the petitioner should ordinarily be the same person whose right is being infringed.

Last the petition must be preceded by the demand for performance of the duty by the respondent and a refusal by the latter, the petitioner must prove that he had for the performance of duty relating to his right upon the public official and that the official had refused to perform it.

3. Prohibition:

The writ of Prohibition is a judicial writ issued by a superior court to an inferior court for the purpose of preventing it from usurping jurisdiction with which it is not vested This writ then commands lower court not to do a thing which it is not legally competent to do. This writ can be claimed as a matter of right. Prohibition should be differentiated from Mandamus.

Firstly, a Prohibition writ can be claimed as a matter of right while the Mandamus cannot.

Secondly, Mandamus can be available against any public authority or official, but Prohi­bition can be issued only against judicial and quasi-judicial tribunals. It is not available against purely administrative or legislative authorities or acts.

Thirdly, Prohibition does not require any personal right or interest on the part of the applicant but in the case of Mandamus, he must prove his personal legal right.

Though the writ of Prohibition plays some part in connection with the control of admin­istrative tribunals with quasi-judicial functions, it is of too little significance as a measure of control over administration by the court.

4. Injunction:

Injunction is a writ issued by the Court requiring a person to do or refrain from doing a thing. It is called “mandatory” when it requires the defendant to do a thing and “preventive” when it requires the defendant to refrain from doing it. Mandatory injunction thus would appear to be resembling Mandamus because they both command the respondent to do a thing but actually there is a difference between the two.

Mandamus cannot be issued against private person while Injunction is usually directed to the parties in the dispute whoso­ever they may be. Again the Preventive Injunction resembles Prohibition but the difference between the two is that Prohibition is a writ available against judicial authorities only, while Injunction is a writ against executive officials.

5. Certiorari:

Certiorari literally means to be certified or to be made certain. The writ of Certiorari means the direction of a superior court to an inferior court for transferring the records of proceedings of a case pending with it for the purpose of determining the legality of proceedings and for giving more satisfactory effect to them than could be done in the inferior court concerned.

The writ of Certiorari resembles the writ of Prohibition as both are meant to supervise the work of the judicial authority but Certiorari is something more than the writ of Prohibition.

Prohibition is only preventive and curative. Prohibition prevents an inferior court from proceeding with a trial but Certiorari enables the superior court to send for record of the proceedings and other of the inferior court, to enquire into its legality and to quash the order if found beyond its jurisdiction.

6. Quo-Warranto:

Quo-Warranto literally means ‘what warrant or authority.’ The writ of Quo warranto is issued by the court to enquire into the legality of the claim which a party asserts to an office or franchise and to oust him from its enjoyment, if the claim be not well founded or to have the same declared forfeited.

The conditions necessary for the issue of the writ are that the office under dispute must have been created by the Constitution or by a statute and should be public and not a private one.

Secondly, the tenure of the office must be perma­nent, i.e., it should not be terminable at pleasure.

Thirdly, the persons proceeded against must have been in actual possession and user of the office. The purpose of this writ is thus to try a claim to a public office. The burden of proof to prove his title is on the respondent. The judgment in such proceedings is that of turning out of office if the plaintiff claims and proves his title to the office he is declared installed or otherwise the office is declared vacant.

The Supreme Court in India has been empower
ed under the new Constitution to issue directions, orders or writs in the nature of Habeas Corpus, Mandamus, Quo-Warranto and Cer­tiorari for the enforcement of fundamental rights of the Indian citizens, and the High Courts have been empowered within their jurisdiction “to issue to any person or authority directions, orders or writs for the enforcement of fundamental rights and for any other purpose.”

Thus it would be observed that the powers of the Supreme Court are wider than mere issuing of the traditional writs as it can issue other directions, orders or writs also as may be necessary in a particular case.

Secondly, these writs can be issued even against the Government in our country while in England; these writs are issued only against persons. Thirdly, powers of High Courts are in certain way wider than those of the Supreme Court.

The Supreme Court has right to issue writs only for enforcement of fundamental rights given in Part III of the Constitution while High Courts have this right both for the enforcement of fundamental rights as well as tor any other purpose.

Limitations of Judicial Control:

1. In the first place, all administrative actions are not subject to judicial control. There are many kinds of administrative actions which cannot be reviewed by the law courts. Then there is a tendency on the part of the legislature also to exclude by law certain administrative acts from the jurisdiction of the judiciary.

For example, in India the administration of Evacuee Property Act, 1950 vests final judicial powers in the Custodians and Custodian General of Evacuee Property and the law courts have no jurisdiction to interfere in the decision made under this Act.

2. Second, even in those administrative actions which are within its jurisdiction, the judi­ciary cannot by itself take cognizance of excesses on the part of officials. It can intervene only on the request of somebody who has been affected or is likely to be affected by in official action.

Human nature being what it is, legalism is the last sphere in which it would like to enter We are always reluctant to enter the precincts of judiciary and prefer to continue to put up with minor injustices of administration. That means that a negligible fraction of the cases of administrative excesses would come before the judiciary and that too after a person has already suffered.

3. Third, the judicial process is very slow and cumbersome. The courts follow certain set technical pattern of procedure beyond the comprehension of a layman and then the procedure is so lengthy that it cannot be known as to when the final judgment shall be given.

There have been instances when cases have been pending with the courts for years together. Sometimes the decision of the court comes when the damage has been done beyond repair “Justice delayed is justice denied”.

An aggrieved person cannot wait indefinitely to avail himself of the judicial remedy. The dilatory judicial procedure will not in any way console the sufferer or reconcile his afflicted mind. Tired of the delay, he will lose hope and become a victim of bureaucracy.

4. Fourth, sometimes the remedies offered by the law courts are inadequate and ineffective. In many cases, especially relating to business activities, mere announcement of an administra­tive action or even a reminder concerning a proposed action may cause an injury to the individ­ual against whom not even a suit can be filed in the law court.

5. Fifth, the government may deprive the person of the remedy granted to him by the court by changing the law or rules thereof In a case the High Court’s ordered that the petitioners be promoted to the senior posts of Professors class I and that direct selection for these posts contravenes the provision of the States Reorganization Act in as much as it changes the condi­tions of service of the petitioners to their disadvantages.

The Government did promote the petitioners thereby giving effect to the judgement of the court. But after some time these posts were withdrawn on the ground of financial stringency and the persons were reverted to their substantive posts.

6. Sixth, judicial action is incredibly expensive and cannot therefore be taken advantage of by many people. Filing a suit means paying the court fee, fee of the lawyer engaged and cost of producing witnesses and undergoing all inconveniences which only those who can afford can bear.

This keeps many people away from the court who prefer to suffer. On account of heavy cost and great inconvenience the judicial remedies are of little advantage.

7. Last, the highly technical nature of most of the administrative actions saps the force of judicial review. The judges are only legal experts and they may have little knowledge of the technicalities and complexities of administrative problems. Their legal bent of mind may hinder them in arriving at a right decision.

They have to follow the prescribed procedures and observe some formalities. W.A. Robson writes, “The liability of the individual official for wrong doing committed in the course of his duty is essentially a relic from past centuries when government was in the hands of a few prominent, independent and substantial persons, so called Public Officers, who were in no way responsible to ministers or elected legislatures or councils. Such a doctrine is utterly unsuited to the Twentieth Century State, in which the Public Officer has been superseded by armies of anonymous and obscure civil servants acting directly under the orders of their superiors, who are ultimately responsible to an elected body. The exclusive liability of the individual officer is a doctrine typical of a highly individual Common Law. It is of decreasing value today, and is small recompense for an irresponsible state.”

Besides, the judges have their own whims and prejudices. The cases are decided not on merit but according to these whims and legalistic aptitudes. That is why the modern trend is towards the establish­ment of Administrative Tribunals which consist of persons expert in technical matters.

Every popular government is ultimately responsible to the people. “Public administration is in fact, a creation of public opinion, unlikely to transcend its creator in depth of vision and insight except on marginal matters”. Though the people generally do not bother about the Governmental machinery as they are busy in their daily pursuits with little time to think of the governmental machinery, yet the fact remains that it is they who set the whole mechanism of democratic government in motion.

They elect the head of the State and the members of legislature directly or indirectly. In some countries, they even elect the officials. Public administration is meant to serve the people and it s they who suffer at the hands of irresponsible administration. Therefore, a democratic administration must be responsible to the people.

The formal methods of community’s control over administration over public administration are as follows:

1. Election:

The head of the State is usually elected by the people directly and indi­rectly. The Prime Minister in a parliamentary system is the leader of the party returned in majority by the people. The Ministers are the members of the legislature and are elected by the people.

The top administrative officials are responsible to these elected representatives of the people. In other words, these officials become indirectly responsible to the people and come under their control.

In some countries, like Switzerland and some American States there is the system of electing the administrative officials as well. This system ensures direct popular control over administration but it introduces political considerations into administration and encourages favouritism and patronage. It al
so may lead to inefficiency and corruption.

Moreover, the people are generally ignorant and hence incapable of assessing the qualification and personal achieve­ments of administrators. It is also impossible in a large country to elect all the officials. Hence from the point of view of administrative efficiency, integrity and impartiality, election of offi­cials by the people is undesirable and can hardly be advocated.

2. Recall:

The system of recall is the logical corollary of the election of officials. Under this system, the electors can call for the dismissal of an official before the expiry of his term. The system of recall makes the official continuously subject to popular whims and understanding, and thus neglectful of the correct practices of his profession.

However the system of recall is very rarely resorted to. In Prof. Charlesworth’s opinion, “The recall does not reduce the influence of bosses, corporations, or other special interests, it is just as useful and as available to bad elements as to good. So far as can be determined, it has no warning effect upon an official who is about to make a mistake or to prepare a crime.”

3. Pressure Groups:

“Pressure Group is an American term for a section of the public organised and active in the pursuits of some special interests which its members join to pro­mote.” Usually a pressure group is a vested group. It is a group of industrialists and traders with organised commercial interests.

These pressure groups bring pressure both upon the legis­lature through ‘lobbying’ and upon the administration through liaison officers. It is difficult to exactly assess the extent of influence exerted by pressure groups upon administration, as no factual study has so far been made.

However, in the United States they are quite active. Miss Belle Zeller opined that “the process of government has become a group process in which organised minorities have become so closely identified with the formal governmental structure itself as to constitute a real center of political power”.

According to F.P. Herring, “The future of many civil servants, particularly the ablest and most enterprising, is not in the federal service but in the private employment of the groups in which their official duties bring them into contact.”

Herbert B. Bans refers to main legitimate contacts of private interests with the administra­tion as follows:

(i) To put across its own point of view to the policy formulating authorities, the legisla­ture and the administrative agencies.

(ii) To keep themselves apprised of the development of government lest it violates new regulations, provisions, requirements, taxes.

(iii) To keep them­selves vigilant against a bureaucratic tendency for more regulations resulting in more control and leading to government operation and ownership.

(iv) To attempt to use the government as an ally in its competition with another industry.

(v) To keep abreast of the changes in the government and comply with even multiplying requirements that the government tends to make of the government.

(vi) To see that bureaucrats and politicians do not make a whipping boy of a business organisation or business in general.

The activities of pressure groups are sometimes useful to the administration. They may convey to the administration the reaction of the vested ‘interests’ to administrative decisions in time and may thus enable it to adjust its policy and activities so that there may be no opposi­tion from those particular interests.

But sometimes these groups employ illegitimate means to secure an official favour. That leads to corruption and favoritism and destroys the efficiency of administration.

The above methods of public control over administration are very general. It is doubtful whether direct controls upon the public administration from outside the executive are desirable. The official cannot take directives from the people nor can he act in accordance with their desires though he may be ultimately responsible to them.

The official in fact should be free from outside interference. The public control should operate on him only through the political executive. No official can serve two masters and so he can owe responsibility only to the executive authorities.

4. Advisory Committees:

A direct link between members of administration and the public has during the recent years appeared in the advisory field. The advisory committees, councils or boards are appointed at different levels of administration from the top to the lower levels. These councils or committees consist of important citizens and of representatives of the special inter­ests.

The government departments providing social services have a special need of such coun­cils.

Stressing the need of these bodies in administration, the Haldane Committee observed, “So long as advisory bodies are not permitted to impair the full responsibility of Ministers to Parlia­ment we think that the more they are regarded an integral part of the normal organisation of a Department, the more will Ministers be enabled to command the confidence of Parliament and the public in their administration of the services which seem likely in the increasing degree to affect the lives of large sections of the community.”

According to Laski, “Of the value of advisory bodies, there is now no room for doubt.”

Sir Arthur Salter has said, “The proper use of advisory bodies is the right answer of representative democracy to the challenge of corporate states as they are an invaluable instru­ment for breaking administrative measures on to the back of the public.”

Though the function of these bodies is merely advisory, but they render a highly positive service to Public Admin­istration.

They function as a liaison agency between the public and the officials. They interpret the feelings and interests of the people to officials and the aims and purposes of the official activities to the public. They also help in securing the cooperation of the common citizens in the formulation and administration of policy.

According to Warner, “There is a clear field for the advisory bodies and the administration to struggle towards that view of the real problem at issue between them which will provide a balanced, integrated adjustment enabling the adminis­tration to move forward with the confidence and success to truly progressive solutions.”

Thus it can be safely concluded that these advisory committees have a prominent place in public administration. They have assumed Governments’ public relations work and assigned administration as such a truly democratic character.

5. Vigorous Public Opinion:

The most effective means of community control over ad­ministration is a vigorous and informed public opinion. Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. If the people are politically sluggish and indifferent to what goes on in the administration, they will soon lose their interest and administration will become despotic.

The community has to become conscious of its rights and obligations before it can exercise any influence over ad­ministration. There should be enlightened public opinion. Decentralization of administration may provide the local community with a better opportunity of intimately understanding and influencing the conduct of public business by the official.

In the end, it may be emphasized that an institutional structure, however elaborate and well contrived, cannot by itself be effective to tone up the administration unless the administra­tion itself is permeated by high ideals and carried forward with a sense of dynamic purpose.

Internal Controls:

Internal controls are those controls which operate from within the administr
ative machinery. They are fitted into the administrative machine and work automatically as the machinery moves. The internal controls range from top to bottom. They exist in every section, branch and department. The administrative machine, as we know, is designed hierarchical, in which one controls the work of the other.

There is always a fear of reprimand, of loss of superiors’ favour, of the loss of increment, and of demotion and dismissal. While the public administration punishes the nagging and inefficient employees, it provides incentives to the loyal and efficient officials. Since the administrative machine has today become a complex structure, it is necessary to supplement the external controls by internal controls in order to make the machine work efficiently.

The internal controls may be studied under four heads:

1. Finance and Statistics:

Budgetary system is a means of control over administration by the executive and legislature. But budgetary system is also a means of internal control. The budget not only apportions available resources between the various branches but is also a means of guiding the officials.

The officials have to keep within the confines of budgetary allocation and follow the financial procedure and rules strictly. If they exceed the budgetary allocation or fail to confine to financial rules, they will be held responsible for it. The Ministry of Finance and the Comptroller and Auditor-General are the two main agencies which exercise control in this behalf.

Numerous forms, proformas, returns, statements have been pre­scribed which the departments make use of while incurring any expenditure. The accounts are to be maintained in a prescribed manner. Vouchers are to be certified according to rules.

Pay­ment is to be made in accordance with the prescribed procedure. There are detailed rules for guiding the officials in money matters. These rules serve as a check upon the administration and reduce the possibility of misappropriation or extravagant expenditure.

Besides accountancy checks there are audit checks to control administration. The audit of the accounts is carried by the Audit Department. The auditors audit the accounts maintained by the department and bring to notice any irregularity or extravagance of expenditure. The official concerned is asked to reply to audit objections.

The fear of audit objections keeps the official conform to the financial rules and procedures. The audit report is laid before the Parliament which is referred to the Public Accounts Committee for review and examination. Thus the accountancy and audit arrangements control the administration from within.

Statistics or quantitative measurements are of great value in the exercise of internal con­trols within the departments. Certain operational standards may be laid down to determine the optimum quantity of work from each employee of a particular category. These standards may be in the form of work units or cost units.

The officials may be asked to produce regular statistics of their activities to indicate their work outputs. A comparison may be made between the work outputs of different branches undertaking similar processes. It may, however, be noted, that statistics are useful in public administration to a very limited extent only.

Only certain phases of administration can lend themselves to quantitative measurement. Public administra­tion is not concerned with production of physical goods.

Its products are services of various kinds like peace and order, education, health, defence, communication, transport, water and electricity which do not lend easily to quantitative measurement. Much of the administrative work is intellectual rather than manual.

Files of a routine nature may be disposed of in dozens in a single day while a file involving a complex matter may take several days for disposal. It may be admitted that exact measurement of work units is not possible in public administration, but it is wrong to say that there are no standards in public administration to assess the work output of an employee.

Urwick says, “There is much nonsense talked about the difficulty of setting standards. It is not difficult. It is always possible to set up some kinds of mark to aim at. At first it may be rather an arbitrary mark. A very useful start is to ask oneself, if, theoreti­cally, it were possible to do a particular job perfectly without any losses due to normal human accidents, sickness, holidays and so on, what would represent 100% performance. Experience in working such a standard and building up the right deductions to allow for each of the factors which make performance fall short of perfection will shape it into a reasonably accurate check on the actual results. The important point is that the administrator should have a mark and force himself to examine and to explain all the reasons for deviation from that mark.”

2. Personnel Management:

The second type of internal control over administration is through Personnel Management. The administrative machine is hierarchical in structure. The hierarchical structure of administra­tion provides for clear lines of responsibility. Referring about its importance, the Hoover Com­mission wrote; Responsibility and accountability are impossible without authority-the power to direct.

The exercise of authority is impossible without a clear line of command from the top to the bottom and a return line of responsibility and accountability from the bottom to the top. Under the hierarchical system of organisation everyone is bound up in a single chain of com­mand which makes an officer at a lower level responsible to the officer at the higher level.

Another device of control through personnel management is the standardization of estab­lishment norms. The number of personnel required in each department, their grades and salaries, their recruitment and promotion, their retirement and dismissal, their training and transfer and their other conditions of service are laid down by a central agency, the Home Department in India and the Treasury in Britain.

The departments are required to adhere to the establishment norms laid down by the Home Ministry. The Central agency should lay down the general con­ditions and principles of personnel management, the responsibility for detailed management may be left to the separate departments.

For example, the central agency may lay down that a par­ticular class of officers in a department would be recruited through Public Service Commission and provided training before being posted.

The department concerned may be left to the respon­sibility of fixing the qualifications required for the posts and detail out the syllabi and procedure of training. Likewise, the departments can make their own annual leave plans and apply appro­priate tests for promotional selection.

There can be little doubt that a good public personnel management is an effective means of internal control over administration. Much will, however, depend upon the sense of justice with which the system is accepted and worked.

3. Efficiency Survey:

Efficiency survey of the work of administrative units is another effective method of inter­nal control. Inspection has always been of great importance in the control of public business. It is particularly valuable in a widespread organisation. The officers from the headquarters go on inspection to ensure that reasonable levels of efficiency are being achieved by the field estab­lishments.

There may be a body of expert inspectors too with the duty of making periodical visits to outstations and the authority to carry out a detailed examination of current procedures and results. It is a detailed examination of current procedures and results.

It is essenti
al that officials posted to inspection duties should have a wide knowledge and experience of the authority’s work and regulations. They should also be skilled in conducting investigations with the least friction with the local officials. Inspection to be efficient must be tactful; otherwise it may do more harm than good.

Another means of efficiency survey is work measurement. In public admin­istration the use of the methods of work measurement is somewhat restricted. Routine clerical operations can be measured but supervisory and administrative operations cannot. The output in one department may not be accurately compared with the output in the other department be­cause of special local conditions and adjustments.

However, efficiency audit, as it is called, is needed in public administration. Efficiency audit is comparatively new technique of control. By it is meant the application of standards of performance to administrative activity in order to judge its effectiveness in terms of economy and efficiency.

The efficiency auditor concerns himself with such questions as whether each employee has full day’s work or more or less, whether the organisation is overstaffed or understaffed, whether the work flow and procedures are economical and expeditious.

While budgetary controls go a long way, it is desirable that efficiency surveys should be carried for proper control over administration. A continuous and systematic system of efficiency surveys is called for. It is hoped that the O & M system will find out solutions to the problems presented by efficiency audit.

4. Professional Standards:

It is vital that public officials should cultivate high standards of conduct. Every profession has its professional code or ethics to which the members following the profession adhere. The Government service is also a profession and naturally, therefore, for public servants also there is a professional code of ethics. They should be non-corruptible, loyal, humble, non-partisan, honest, efficient and of integrity.

The British civil service is known for its administrative ethics. In India there is a voluminous code of conduct for civil servants but they are mostly observed in breach. Hence what is needed is a self-cultivated code of conduct.

There are far more moral lapses on the part of our civil servants. Corruption in civil service is widely prevalent in this country. If the civil service cultivates professional code of ethics, the problem of control over administration would be solved to a large extent.

According to Prof Dimock, “The professional standards, ethics, philosophy, attitudes and ideology of the public service are the surest means of securing a satisfying rapport. Group consciousness and responsibility, although they may lead to exclusiveness are, paradoxically enough, the very forces which can correct the inherent defects of bureaucracy.”

Professional ethics provides “rules of the game” which do more to control public officials than any external or internal control can do.

For the achievement of high professional standards, the responsibility cannot be placed entirely upon the shoulders of the official. The official works in the society and a society in which bribery, corruption, nepotism, favouritism and lawlessness are order of the day cannot have a chaste civil service.

The society must, therefore reform itself. The leaders of the society must come forward and take upon themselves the task of curing the society of its ills.

How­ever, the public official can play an effective role in this direction. He is a part of the society but at the same time he is the philosopher and guide, suggesting and correcting society. He himself should set high moral standards before the people.

James McCanny has said, “Next and probably most significant of all, the permanent officials of government are responsible to them­selves. They must answer to their own consciences, to their own sense of dignity and pride, to the opinions of their fellowmen and to their hopes of esteem for the record they leave behind them, above all to their devotion, to their own honest effort to define the total welfare and to serve it.”


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[PDF] Essay on Operations Research (O.R.) | Decision Making | Public Administration

Here is an essay on ‘Operations Research (O.R.)’ especially written for school and college students.

Essay # 1. History of Operations Research:

Operations Research encompasses a methodology and a set of techniques derived from the physical sciences and mathematics with an objective of im­proving the quality of managerial decisions.

As compared to decision-making done on decision­-maker’s previous experience and intuition in the past, operations research facilitates the com­parison of complicated alternatives and encourages rational decision-making based on the best available approaches and techniques.

Operations research came into existence during World War II, when the British and the American military management called upon a group of scientists with diverse educational back­ground, namely, physics, biology, mathematics, psychology etc. to apply a scientific approach to deal with strategic and tactical problems of various military operations.

The purpose was to determine the effectiveness of specific operations and to devise methods for improving the use of weapons.

The first such deliberate resort to science was concerned with how to set a time fuse of a bomb to be dropped from an aircraft onto a submarine. The team of scientists to whom the problem was handed, succeeded in evolving the right formula.

But this was not the solitary instance. The scientists improved the effectiveness of several combat operations and their ser­vices were demanded in many countries to discuss the improvement in war strategies and weap­ons. Hence the name operations research or O.R. came directly from the context in which it was used and developed, viz. research on military operations.

After the war ended, O.R. received more and more civilian attention as the possibilities of its application to industry, business and non-military aspects of government became apparent. With the entry of government into business the study in Public Administration has acquired significance. In non-business activities of the government also, the methods of Operations Re­search can be gainfully utilized.

In India, O.R. came into existence in 1949 with the opening of an operations research unit at the Regional Research Laboratory, at Hyderabad and also in the Defence Science Laboratory which devoted itself to the problems of stores, purchase and planning.

For national planning and survey, an O.R. unit was established in 1953 at the Indian Statistical Institute, Calcutta. In 1957, O.R. Society of India was formed. Many Universities and Institutions in India accord specializa­tion in operations research. Organised industries, government and others are gradually becom­ing conscious of its role in decision-making.

Essay # 2. Meaning of Operations Research:

Attempts to define O.R. have been relatively unsuccessful, because the whole field cov­ered by it is so new that the scope and limits are still not fully known. The American Encyclopedia of Management defines O.R. as “the quantitative study of an organisation in action car­ried out in order to find ways in which its functions can be improved.”

Another definition is that “O.R. is the application of specific methods, tools and techniques to operations of system with optimum solution to the problems”. The Operations Research Society of America has offered a short definition, i.e., operations research is concerned with scientifically deciding how best to design and operate man-machine systems, usually under conditions requiring the allocation of scarce resources.”

According to Morse and Kimball, “O.R. is a scientific method of providing executive departments with a quantitative basis for decisions under their control.” In the words of H.M. Wagub, “O.R. is a scientific approach to problems solving for executive management.”

Churchman, Ackoff and Arnoff state that “O.R. is the application of scientific methods, tech­niques and tools to problems involving the operations of a system so as to provide those in control of the system with optimum solution to the problem.”

On the basis of the above definitions, the following are the characteristics of O.R.:

(i) O.R. takes the totality view of a problem so that relationships can be established among all the factors related with the problem,

(ii) O.R. is the application of mathematical techniques which require the use of electronic gadgets,

(iii) Its approach is quantitative, hence the quality aspect of a problem cannot be analyzed by O.R. method,

(iv) O.R. is basically an optimization process—optimize the achievement of the objective. Thus the objective should be clear, precise and well-defined.

The O.R. differs from other management sciences in two of its unique features. Firstly, O.R. involves an inter-disciplinary team approach. As modern science has become more and more complex, there has been growing tendency to use mixed teams of physicists, mathemati­cians, biologists, engineers, economists, psychologists and other specialized persons.

Secondly, O.R’s approach is wholistic, i.e. while evaluating any decision or action in an organization, the important interactions and their impact on the whole organization against the functions origi­nally involved are reviewed.

The O.R. utilizes the scientific method and attempts to find the best or optimal solution to the problem under consideration. It provides objective measure of effectiveness based upon quantitative data from the particular operation studied, rather than recommendations and opinions drawn from generalized experience.

It may also be mentioned that in the study of public administration where human factor is more involved O.R. has a limited use because O.R. provides solution only when all the elements related to a problem can be quantified. The tangible factors such as price, product, etc. can be expressed in terms of quantity, but intangible factors such as human relations cannot be quanti­fied.

Further, O.R. tries to find out the optimum solution taking all the factors into account. In the modern society, these factors are numerous and expressing them in quantity and establishing relationships among these require huge calculations. All these calculations cannot be handled manually, but require electronic computers which bear very heavy cost.

Essay # 3. Techniques Used in Operations Research:

O.R. uses mostly the techniques used in mathematics and statistics. These techniques are probability theory, game-theory, queuing theory, replacement theory, network analysis, linear programming, non-linear programming, stochastic programming, dis­crete programming and dynamic programming. Of these, we may briefly describe the game- theory and queuing theory.

Game-theory is concerned with a type of decision problem characterized by conflict or competition among two or more competitors, e.g. union leaders and management. The objective of the game-theory is to develop rational criteria for selecting a strategy.

This is done under the assumption that each player (parties to the conflicts) is rational. The problem is how to make decisions in a conflict or competitive situation. Game theory provides a systematic quantitative method for analyzing conflict situations in which the competitors make use of logical processes and techniques in order to determine an optimal strategy for winning.

The queuing theory, also known as waiting line theory involves the mathematical studies of queues or waiting line. This theory uses mathematical techniques to balance the cost of waiting lines versus the costs of preventing lines by increased services. Since it is frequently impossible to predict when units will arrive to seek service
, it becomes difficult to determine the quantity of service facilities.

Providing too much service facilities would involve excessive costs. On the other hand, not providing enough service facilities would cause the waiting line to be­come excessively long at a time. Excessive waiting is also costly in the form of lost customers, or the capacity to become idle at some time.

Therefore, the ultimate goal is to achieve an economic balance between the cost of service and the cost associated with waiting for that service. Such situations are common in banks, post-offices, booking-offices, aero planes waiting for the runway to be cleared. Should more banks or post-offices or booking offices be opened or runways constructed to provide service facility to those waiting for it?

In each such case, the objective of the queuing theory is to determine the capacity of the service facility in the light of the relevant costs and the characteristics of the demand pattern so that the sum of all costs associated with the waiting line system will be minimized.

It may be noted that queuing theory itself does not directly solve the problem of fixing appropriate level of service facilities but it does contribute vital information required for such decision by predicting various characteristics of the waiting line.

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[PDF] Relationship between Ministers and Civil Services | Personnel Administration

This article will help you to learn about the relationship between Ministers and Civil Services in social welfare states.

It is an era of welfare states. Gone are the days when states were either instruments of tyranny or mere custodians of law and order. Nowadays the states not only protect and restrain but also foster and promote. As such the role of the ministers, who work for the states has become of vital importance.

The ministers may not necessarily be embodiment of knowledge and competence. Any­body 25 years of age can get elected to the Parliament and thereafter if fortunes smile at him, become a minister. A socially tangible person, clever in art of canvassing or maneuvering can sweep the polls. Administration requires expertise which a minister does not possess.

Hence he banks upon his secretaries who have seen the tides of times and on account of rigorous training after their recruitment and vast experience are fully acquainted with the ins and outs of the department. A minister being a layman cannot run the department entrusted to his care. The secretaries and other top services in the department give him judicious counsel.

In fact they lay down the policy, the minister in most cases signs the dotted line. An experienced minister goes a step further. He himself lays down breadlines of policy though the secretaries chalk out the details.

The execution of policy also requires tact, courage and skill which of course the civil services possess in an ample measure. If they find a particular policy unworkable, they may point out flaws to the minister un-reluctantly and suggest modifications in the policy.

The min­ister will be judicious enough to accept their mature counsel as he is fully conscious of his limitations and the responsibility of efficient administration that he owes to the electorates. He won’t unnecessarily reject their advice just to show his superiority knowing it fully well that his future prospects will be bleak if his administration earns denunciation at the hands of the electorates.

Ramsay Muir has given a very analytical portrayal of relationship be­tween the ministers and the civil services in the words “Think of a newly appointed minister taking command of a great public department such as Ministry of Health or the Colonial office. He has obtained the position because of his achievement in the general field of politics, be­cause he is a good platform speaker or a good parliamentary debater or commands a great deal of social influence or is a prominent trade union organizer. In majority of cases he has no special knowledge of the immense and complex work of the department over which he is to preside. He has to deal with a body of officials who may be and often are men of far greater natural ability than himself They bring before him hundreds of knotty problems for his deci­sions but most of them, he knows nothing at all. They put before him their suggestions sup­ported by…………….. the most convincing arguments and facts. It is obvious that unless he is either a self important ass or a man of quite exceptional grasp, power and courage he will in 99 cases out of 100 simply accept their views and sign his name on the dotted line. In the 100th case, some question of party principle, some promise that has flourished on the platform may be involved. The officials of course know this. They perhaps point out the practical difficulties in the way of limited fulfillment of the pledges. They suggest to him a plausible compromise. They know that with one type of minister, they will have to go slow and that with the other types of ministers they can suggest bolder devices… on the whole the policy of the office will nearly always prevail; its powers of quiet persistence and of quiet obstruction and its command of all the facts are irresistible except to a man of commanding power”.

Ramsay Muir’s analytical approach of relationship between the ministers and the civil services is very apt. A minister of exceptional grasp over the situation can alone ignore the advice of the civil services, otherwise in general he toes the line laid down by his secretaries.

A dynamic personality like Jawaharlal Nehru could make the secretaries dance to his tune. Nobody had the courage to dictate terms to him. Shastriji, the next Prime Minister, had to bank upon his secretariats advice quite a great deal because of his limitations.

When com­pared with his predecessor. Mrs. Indira Gandhi in the initial stages leaned too heavily on K.L. Jha and later P.N. Haksar, her secretaries, as she did not muster clear majority in Lok Sabha and was shaky in administering national affairs.

With the passage of time she emerged out to be a very dominant leader and a capable administrator. She no longer got dictation from her secretaries in political or administrative affairs. Rather, she made them blow her trumpet. Rajiv Gandhi, her illustrious son being a politically novice in the initial stage banked upon bureaucrats to a great extent. Mrs. Sarla Grewal was one of such bureaucrats.

Thus no hard and fast line can be drawn regarding the extent of dependence of a minister over the civil services. However, it is wrong to presume that ministers are always subservient to the civil services on account of their lack of administrative acumen.

The competence and calibre of the concerned Prime Minister or a minister matter a lot. It will be indeed a sad day for democracy if the civil power represented through the ministers, is subordinated to the civil services.

However, the importance of the vital role a bureaucrat plays has been well portrayed by Joseph Chamberlain before a congregation of civil servants “…you could do without us but I have an absolute con­viction that we could not do without you.”

The civil services are quite conscious of the fact that the ministers are cross examined on the floor of the House. A wrong advice by them can land a minister in difficulties. Evidently, they won’t be able to save their skin if the minister is exposed on the floor of the House.

They will be subsequently fired. Mr. Kaul, ex-Secretary of Lok Sabha, rightly points out, “When the minister is questioned on the floor of the House, the heart of the secretary is under constant palpitation in the lobbies”.

Thus it is not correct to hold that civil services can become arbitrary and arrogate the authority to themselves or misguide the ministers. They know their place. They have to remain incognito. They cannot come in the lime-light.

They are aware of ministers’ leadership and also support by the majority party. If the Council of Ministers acts as a team, no minister can be defied or bypassed by his secretary. It is, therefore, rather an exaggerated view to conclude that in a social welfare state, democracy is misnomer, it is bureaucracy that rules.

Both the ministers and the civil services have to work as a team for the socio-economic uplift of the masses. A.D. Gorwala has rightly remarked, “The relationship between the ministers and the official of whatever rank and between officials of various ranks is not that of master and ser­vant but rather that of senior and junior colleagues engaged on the same beneficial tasks”.

In case of India in the present contest of the things the role of the civil services vis-vis ministers has undergone change. The positivity is replacing the negativity. A positive motivation of civil services is being considered as the crying need of the hour.

Hence the Ministers have not to act as political bosses and ride tough shed on the will and the spirit of the civil services. On the other hand the civil servant is to be people-oriented and responsible to the new political pressures.

As such, he has to learn how to get along with the politicians. That necessitates pragmatisms dynamism and adaptability to the emerging situation and keen willingness to take prompt action, at times adhoc and bypassing the procedura
l complexities.

In the fast changing socio-political scenario, the civil services are to be flexible in their approach”, outgoing and people-oriented while executing policies and prepared to undertake risks and on the spot deci­sions, rules and regulations not with-standing. This can enable him to win confidence of the Ministers and follow the policy laid down by the government.

It may not, however, be irrelevant to say that bulk of critics in India feel that bureaucracy has in general earned a bad name. The Public accountability is sadly missing from the Indian administrative system. The politico-bureaucratic wall has become so strong that it defeats all possible attempts at enforcing liability of both the minister and his administrative secretary.

It is for this reason that the Lok pal Bill has been falling since 1968 to see the light of the day. A vicious nexus of sizable corrupt politicians and some of their henchmen the civil servants lacking integrity can wreck the political edifice itself if proper safeguards are not only promptly contemplated but also implemented with celerity.

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